Wednesday, May 8, 2013

Al Gore and Setting the Record Straight on Energy Politics and Resource Development


“If [people] make statements that are clearly exaggerated or untrue, we have to set the record straight.” 

-Canadian Natural Resources Minister Joe Oliver

The above quotation seems like good advice, especially when given to media, whose historic task has been to un-spin political spin, and ferret out truth.  Setting the record straight used to be a noble pursuit.  Unfortunately, when it comes to energy politics in Canada in the second decade of the 21st Century, exaggeration and “untruth” are reported uncritically as facts to be consumed by Canadians.  This uncritical reporting is detrimental to having the sort of necessary adult conversations we need in order to start moving beyond the rhetoric and towards real discussions on public policy.  This lack of critical analysis on the part of the media has been on display over the last few days as a result of some remarks made to the media by former U.S. Vice President and Nobel Prize winner, Al Gore.

Words as Pawns

Just what did Gore say about Canada’s energy sector, which set off cabinet ministers, opposition MP’s and media pundits?  What Gore said was….well, what Gore said was a matter of debate itself, depending on which mainstream media outlets you rely on for your news.  It seems that in today’s day and age, real words spoken or written can be used with impunity out of context, in order to misrepresent the speaker or author’s position in an attempt to discredit.  While this has been a tool used by politicians for some time (especially in party paid-for television advertising), critical media have in the past taken issue with this approach and called out the fabrications.  In 2013, in Canada, this appears to be happening less and less, especially when the story has to do with energy politics.

There is no question about what Al Gore really did say, as his words were reproduced in the Globe & Mail’s story headlined “Al Gore isn’t overly pleased with Canada” (the Globe & Mail, Saturday May 14, 2013).  Responding to the question, “Have the oil-sands boom and pipeline debates affected Canadian-U.S. relations?”, Gore gave the following answer: 

“Yes, and I think that ultimately it hurts Canada. The so-called resource curse is most often understood in the context of small nations whose revenue streams are dominated by the exploitation of a single resource. It’s a bit more complex than that with Canada, but the resource curse has multiple dimensions and [that includes] damage to some extremely beautiful landscapes, not to mention the core issue of adding to the reckless spewing of pollution into the Earth’s atmosphere as if it’s an open sewer.”

There proved to be a couple of points raised by Gore in these few sentences which aroused the concerns of government officials and media pundits.  Specifically, the reference to a “resource curse” and the use of the term “open sewer” were seen by some as being over the top.  Let’s look at the “open sewer” comments first off.

Opinions as Lies

Federal Natural Resources Minister Joe Oliver went off on the “open sewer” remarks, claiming that Gore was lying about the tar sands.   I’m not sure how an opinion can become a lie (and an opinion is really what Gore was expressing), but that seems to be what Oliver was saying, as reported in the Wall Street Journal (“Canada Strikes Back: Attacks Al Gore for ‘Open Sewer’ Oil Sands Comment”, Wall Street Journal, Tuesday, May 7 2013).

Here’s Oliver’s full quote:

“If [people] make statements that are clearly exaggerated and untrue, we have to set the record straight,” Mr. Oliver said. “If [Mr. Gore] goes beyond the facts, then I should call him on that, or else those comments are out there, unopposed. That’s not in the national interest to let inaccurate accusations stand there, uncorrected.”

“Untrue” statements can only be considered “lies”.  “Lying” about something presumes that there are one set of facts on which there is a universal agreement.  Without a universal set of facts, statements made which are not in keeping with one’s own perceptions can be considered in contradiction to one’s opinion, but clearly they aren’t lies. 

Labelling Gore’s opinion as “untrue” is very telling.  To believe that an opinion is a lie, Oliver must believe that when it comes to the tar sands and Canada’s energy policy (which he calls “the national interest”), there is a universal agreement about a set of facts, and that statements which contradict those facts must be false, or in this case, lies.

Say what you want about the tar sands, but suggesting that there is universal agreement on how they should be developed is simply absurd.  There isn’t.  Sure, it may be your opinion that there should be universal agreement on the “national interest”, but the fact is, there isn’t.  And that’s a fact.  We need look no further than to Al Gore when it comes to offering a dissenting opinion.

Yet Minister Oliver, in his arrogance, wants Canadians to believe that there is only one “right” and everything and everybody else is wrong.  And the media pundits who report this story seem to lap it up, and in some cases, go beyond the pale, by completely misrepresenting opinion statements made, in an effort to make the speaker look foolish.

Media Manipulation

On CTV’s “Power Play with Don Martin”, host Martin repeated the assertion that Gore had called the “oil sands” an “open sewer” (Monday, May 6th 2013).  After NDP Environment Critic Megan Leslie called Martin out on that assertion, CTV continued to provide a banner headline running along the bottom of the screen which seemed to suggest that Gore really had called the “oil sands” an “open sewer”. 

If it’s not what Gore said, then why is it being reported in such a way?  It’s probably because our media is not unbiased, and tends to favour the views of some over others.  And when it comes to energy politics, most of the mainstream media wants to marginalize anything having to do with climate change.  And so commentators, policy analysts and even elected officials who express concern about a rapidly warming climate (and who therefore call on a reduction in greenhouse gas emissions) end up misrepresented, misinterpreted and often made to look foolish.  CTV clearly employed this tactic with the Al Gore story.

Just Not True

It’s not just the media, of course.  With regards to the “resource curse” remark made by Gore, Federal Natural Resources Parliamentary Secretary David Anderson decided to take a shot at NDP Leader Tom Mulcair over remarks that Mulcair has never made.  Anderson said:

“(Mulcair) said yesterday that he agrees with the claim that our resources are a curse," said Anderson. "First a disease, then a curse. This is a real embarrassment to all of us, that the NDP never miss a chance to oppose Canadian jobs."  


(from “Environment Minister Kent wades into oil sands feud”, Daniel Prousallidis, QMI Agency, published online in Sun News, May 7 2013). 


Mulcair has never claimed that Canada’s resource development is a disease, or a curse, or that the NDP opposes Canadian jobs.  But misrepresentation seems to be the rule of the day.  I guess that it’s just so much easier to put words in your opponents mouth than to actually listen to what they’ve said and respond intelligently back.


And it's not as if an intelligent response couldn't be formulated.  It's not even clear to me that many Conservative MP's even understand the economic concepts of "Dutch Disease" and the "Resource Curse" which Al Gore referred to.  Economists have long discussed and debated the validity of these concepts.  They are not new ideas.  But clearly, those in the media seem to have trouble grasping that Dutch Disease and the Resource Curse are economic concepts, and not the "over the top rhetoric" that Conservative politicians like Joe Oliver (who probably knows very well what they are) want Canadians to believe.  By not discussing these economic concepts as economic concepts, the media has been doing an injustice to the economic debate around the issue of climate change, and what's really in Canada's national interest.


From Media Bias to Propaganda


Sun Media, of course, is probably the worst when it comes to reporting facts, even when it’s not being snarky with those facts, such as claiming that Gore’s move “An Inconvenient Truth” was “docu-fictional”.  The Sun has moved beyond bias and into the realm of propaganda, at least on issues related to energy politics and climate change.  The following are taken from an editorial appearing in the Toronto Sun on May 6, 2013, “Cleaning up after the Al spill”.
“In an interview with the Globe & Mail, however, America's answer to Canada's enviro-dollar exploiter David Suzuki, was allowed to pump the garbage that the oilsands of Alberta represents a "reckless spewing of pollution into the Earth's atmosphere as if it's an open sewer."

Sun Media just can’t seem to let any opportunity go to denigrate David Suzuki, even in an article which has nothing to do with Suzuki.

And then there was this gem, about how emissions from the tar sands have been reduced 26%.  Sun media suggests that Oliver said this, but I don’t think that’s the case.  Whoever put it together though is absolutely incorrect.  Emissions from tar sands development have only gone up.  While it may be the case (or , while it used to be the case, but no longer is) that the intensity of per barrel emissions has gone down, the fact is that overall emissions have gone up.  And that’s contradictory to what’s being reported.


As Oliver was forced to point out, for the umpteenth time, continuing technological advances have already seen Canada reduce oilsands emissions by 26% and that developers are committed to returning the mined land to its natural state and are already proving it was no ploy.


And then there’s the “dirty” oil issue.  The Sun maintains that the world’s dirtiest oil comes from the Middle East, presumably by using a definition of “dirty” which speaks more to the political regime in which the oil is pumped than the amount of greenhouse gas emissions for which it is responsible.  Interestingly, by doing so, the Sun lumps some of Canada’s historic allies onto the “dirty” side of the leger, including Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, two nations which Canada defended during the 1990-91 Gulf War, while ignoring countries like Nigeria, Venezuala and Russia.


"There is no such thing as "undirty" crude but, even if the European Union presently buys very little oil from Canada, this directive already dividing Europe must be challenged by Oliver as a little too precious to peddle when the truly "dirtiest" oil comes from the Middle East, home of some of the most horrendous human-rights abusers on the planet."


Time to Set the Record Straight


If our media is too biased or too focused on creating propaganda to set the record straight on exaggerations and untruths, and if indeed they are contributing to creating those untruths in the first place, by misrepresenting statements made individuals, which are later repeated by other pundits and politicians as if they were real, then we’ve got a lot of trouble ahead in the future.  I say this because I know that discussions related to energy politics and climate change are going to continue to dominate the Canadian political scene for decades to come.  These discussions will be difficult enough to have on their own, given the ideological predisposition of the Conservative Party to refuse to acknowledge the real and present impacts of a warming planet in any meaningful way.

Our media needs to get with the program, as there is a clear lack of understanding of the economic case being made by opponents of the status quo.  The economics of resource development are not new discussions in front of the media, yet the media can’t seem to grapple with the notion that there exists another economic paradigm when it comes to resource development.  Indeed, in some respects, the media seems to have bought into Joe Oliver’s notion that there is a universally accepted truth about resource development, and other ideas and notions which are incompatible with these facts are exaggerations and lies.  

Energy politics is going to remain at the forefront of political discussions.  As a result, for the benefit of media consumers (and ultimately for the benefit of all Canadians), it makes sense that the media start to acknowledge that there is a different approach to economic development being advanced.  It’s not a question of “economy” vs. “environment”.  It’s “economy” vs. “economy”.  The whole idea that the “environment” can be discretely cordoned off and treated as its own separate issue has for too long been accepted by those in the media (and many in politics) as being one of those “universal truths”.  Accepting this paradigm without critical analysis really says a lot about those who believe it be true, as clearly they just don’t get it. It’s time for the media to begin to set the record straight, and to critically report the positions of those who believe that the economic impacts of climate change outweight the short term gains of runaway resource extraction.

(opinions expressed in this blog are my own and should not be interpreted as being consistent with the views and/or policies of the Green Party of Canada) 

Friday, March 22, 2013

Wise Public Sector Spending Must Consider the Impacts of Climate Change


The following is from a letter to the editor of the Sudbury Star, in response to an article published in the Star by Sun Media's Lorne Gunter, “Anti-Keystone greens are an XL pain”, on March 20, 2013, and published as "Upfront climate costs must be part of development" on Wednesday, April 24, 2013.

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Sun Media columnist Lorne Gunter wants you to believe that it is dangerous to assess climate change impacts when new development projects are being considered by governments. Gunter suggests that paying the costs for assessing the impacts of climate change will lead to a drop in living standards and a rise in government deficits. Gunter’s position is clearly not based on sound economics.

It is a generally accepted principle that where public investments occur, an appropriate cost/benefit analysis first be undertaken to demonstrate a project’s viability, and whether the project is ultimately in the public interest. A full range of impacts are assessed prior to authorizing new developments, and typically, projects which go forward are those which are cost effective and deliver a net public benefit. For elected governments, this kind of economic assessment is critical in order to show the public that its hard-earned tax dollars are being spent wisely.

For too long, the costs of greenhouse gas pollution have not been considered when new developments are proposed. However, this is gradually changing, as governments throughout the world and at all levels have begun to feel the economic effects of a changing climate. Here in Canada, the National Round Table on Environment and Energy has estimated the anticipated costs of climate change to be in the range of $5 billion annually in 2020, and maybe as much as $40 billion annually by 2050. In light of this economic reality, the impacts of carbon pollution from new development absolutely need to be a part of any cost/benefit analysis.

The upfront assessment of climate changing impacts on new development projects will lead to a preference for cleaner, greener, and ultimately less-costly development which is sustainable over the long term. For example, when climate change impacts are assessed for a proposed new transportation corridor, preference may be given to low-carbon, cost-effective rail over high-carbon truck traffic. While incorporating climate change impacts into assessments might not be good for big greenhouse gas emitters, in a low-carbon economy there will still be plenty of opportunities for businesses to create jobs, increase prosperity and provide a net benefit to communities.

Assessing the impacts of climate change prior to investing public funds is not something to be feared, as Gunter suggests. Instead, with scarce public resources available for development, it only makes sense to look at the complete range of costs prior to committing any public money. I don’t understand why Conservative Party shills like Gunter are afraid of assessments which seek to reduce overall costs to the public purse by spending taxpayer’s money more effectively. Of course, true conservatives understand the value of wise long-term investment.

(opinions expressed in this blog are my own and should not be interpreted as being consistent with the views and/or policies of the Green Party of Canada)



Friday, March 1, 2013

Claude Patry's Defection Shows the NDP Unready and Unfit to Govern

Yesterday, Claude Patry, MP for Jonquiere-Alma, crossed the floor from Her Majesty’s Loyal Opposition to join the beleaguered Bloc Quebecois. His move from the NDP to the Bloc will not change the Party numbers in the House of Commons in any significant way, yet his move is a big deal for the NDP, the Bloc and for all Canadians.

After joining the Bloc, flanked by BQ Leader Daniel Paille and the rest of the Bloc’s caucus, Patry announced to Quebecers that he had, in fact, always been a “nationalist” (read: sovereigntist or separatist here), despite having run under the NDP’s banner. Patry claimed to have voted “Yes” in the two Quebec referendums on independence (or sovereignty-association or whatever). These facts were known to former NDP Leader, Jack Layton, when Praty’s nomination papers appeared before him for sign-off, yet for some inexplicable reason, Layton let the guy run for the NDP.

The Sherbrooke Declaration and the Clarity Act

The current NDP Leader, Tom Mulcair, continues to assert that his Party is a federalist political party, willing to represent the interests of all Canadians, including Quebecers. Certainly no one can challenge Mulcair’s own commitment to Canada, as his record during past referendums speaks for itself. Yet, Mulcair has inherited a political party whose Quebec strategy has been based on attracting soft-separatist Bloc Quebecois supporters to the NDP banner. Through its adoption of the politically toxic and legally naïve Sherbrooke Declaration in 2006, the NDP has positioned itself as a reasonable alternative to the Bloc in the minds of separatist-minded Quebecers, at least as far as the “federalist” parties go.

The Liberals, Conservatives and Greens appear content to keep the Clarity Act, which sets out that a “clear majority” is needed in a referendum on independence before Quebec can legally leave the federation. Before adopting the Clarity Act, the Liberal government of Jean Chretien had put the question to the Supreme Court of Canada regarding what threshold of votes should trigger a dissolution of the union, and it is from the Supreme Court that the words “clear majority” come.

In contrast, the NDP’s Sherbrooke Declaration, on which Toronto-Danforth MP Craig Scott’s private member’s bill is modeled, calls only for a “simple” majority (50% plus one). Critics have pointed out that the NDP itself requires a two-thirds majority of voting party members in order for the Party to change its own constitution, yet it seems content to allow Canada to dissolve as a nation based on a simple majority of votes cast in a single province.

(In fairness, the Clarity Act, Sherbrooke Declaration, and Scott’s private member’s bill demand a clear question be asked of voters - which was something that did not happen either in 1980 or 1995).

NDP Paves an Easy Road to Quebec Separation

Why are we now having these discussions about Quebec sovereignty? Doesn’t our parliament have bigger fish to fry? I certainly think that there are far more important issues on the table which our parliamentarians should be dealing with. However, this matter is very important, thanks to the NDP’s Sherbrooke Declaration. The NDP continues to poll quite well, and it may very well be that Canada’s next Prime Minister will be Tom Mulcair. Canadians need to know what they might be voting for should they be thinking of casting their ballots for an NDP candidate in the next federal election. Quite simply, they may be voting for the end of Canada as a federal entity as we know it, thanks to the NDP’s dangerous embrace of separatist parliamentarians and the Sherbrooke Declaration.

Quebecers interested in independence have clearly grown tired of voting for a group of federal parliamentarians which, because of their small numbers, have never been able to do better than form the Official Opposition. The Bloc Quebecois, in a very real way, has proven to be a toxic political party for all other federalist parties to work with, at least on the question of Quebec’s role in federation. Quebec voters almost completely turfed the Bloc in 2011 for a host of reasons, but clearly one of those reasons had to do with the Bloc’s ineffectiveness with the independence file.

If you were a separatist in Quebec, might it not be better to vote for a political party which actually had a chance of forming government one day, and which promised a go-easy approach on a future independence referendum? Certainly, it appears that not only did many Quebec separatists think this was a good idea when they voted for the NDP, many others decided to put their name forward and stand as candidates for the NDP, including former NDP interim Leader Nicole Turmel, and current NDP Deputy Leader Alexander Boulerice (see: “NDP seats occupied by separatists”, QMI Agency, May 15, 2011).

Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s labeling the NDP “the Bloc-Orange” yesterday might have been nothing more than a sound-bite-of-the-day for our national media, but dig a little deeper and there is clearly abundant evidence that the NDP caucus in Ottawa is riddled with former and current card-carrying members of separatist political parties at the provincial level (most especially the ultra left wing Quebec Solidaire).

Keep in mind that should Tom Mulcair become Prime Minister, it is quite likely that some of these individuals currently in his caucus will find themselves in his cabinet, and at any future negotiating table with the government of Quebec after a simple majority votes to exit Canada in a referendum. Now ask yourself: if this is the case, which government is more than likely to let Quebec go on its own terms than the NDP?

My Canada Includes Quebec

So Quebec leaves the federation. Many Canadians probably think that this is no big deal (and some of those might actually think that Canada will be better off without Quebec). Well, Quebec’s attempt at departure will most assuredly be a “big deal”. It’s not as if Quebec, as we think of it when we open up an atlas, will be able to just one day simply declare its independence, and whammo, a new nation is born. It’s not going to happen (not even with a soft-on-separatist NDP government in Ottawa).

Our federal government has made a lot of investments in Quebec. What about those federal facilities (which include everything from post offices to military bases)? Will Quebec be ok with the notion that all of that infrastructure belongs to Canada, and they must either give it back (in the case of military hardware) or compensate Canada for past investments (in the case of bridges, highways and buildings)? What might the rest of Canada’s expectations be?

And then there’s Quebec’s share of the federal debt. How will that be apportioned? Will there be a treaty or something like it put in place to compel an independent Quebec to pay Canada its fair share toward debt reduction?

What might separation do to the Canadian dollar? Almost certainly, Canada will be plunged into a constitutional crisis which is liable to impact on our fragile economy. I actually think that Canada’s dollar might begin to grow stronger should Quebec decide to separate, which may be good for resource-based provincial economies such as Alberta’s, but will almost certainly negatively impact the manufacturing sector. What we can expect is a significant degree of uncertainty – politically and economically.

And I haven’t even touched on the very real First Nations issues yet. What if Quebec asserts that independence applies to the province as constituted by its current political boundaries? Remember, much of Northern Quebec is comprised of First Nations territory, originally governed as territorial departments by Ottawa, and ultimately given to Quebec by Canada to administer (in the same way that Ontario and Manitoba grew to their current political boundaries). Even putting historic issues aside, what will Canada’s obligations to First Nations through treaty and native rights be, should Quebec decide to leave the federation? What might happen if the Cree want to remain in Canada? Does a referendum of Quebec voters constitute the Crown’s “duty to consult and accommodate” First Nations?

Constitutional, Political & Economic Turmoil

In part, the Clarity Act sought to keep a lid on this nation-destroying, economically devastating can of worms. But the NDP seem quite keen on embracing this doomsday scenario for Canada, in the misguided name of “self determination”. The NDP wants to pretend that Quebec’s departure from Canada will not adversely impact the rest of the nation, as long as vigorous negotiations resolve all issues. Although Canada is already one of the most decentralized federations in the world, let me tell you that no matter how vigorous those negotiations might be, the issues in play in a scenario where Quebec threatens to leave Canada on the basis of a simple majority vote will destabilize the rest of the nation – from St. John’s to Sudbury to Surrey. There is no escaping it.

Yet, by electing an NDP government in 2015, Canada may very well find itself one step closer to this doomsday scenario. Clearly, with separatists in its midst, and with its legally questionable Sherbrooke Declaration as a starting point for the next referendum, the NDP continues to prove itself unfit to lead our nation.

Claude Patry’s departure from the NDP was a good start. Good riddance to a bad apple, as far as I’m concerned. But if the NDP wants to prove itself to Canadians that it is ready to govern in 2015, it must abandon the misguided Sherbrooke Declaration, axe the current private member’s bill before the House, and purge itself of soft-separatists like Patry. Until the NDP does so, it will remain both unready and unfit to govern. Voters in Quebec, like those in the rest of Canada, who care about our federation should take note of the dangerous and destabilizing path that a future NDP government could set us all on.

(opinions expressed in this blog are my own and should not be interpreted as being consistent with the views and/or policies of the Green Party of Canada)

Wednesday, January 30, 2013

Sudbury Green Party Expresses its Condolences on the Passing of Diane Marleau


I have received the following release from Simon McMillan, CEO of the Sudbury Federal Green Party Association:

Sudbury Green Party Expresses Condolences on the Passing of Diane Marleau

SUDBURY – The Sudbury Federal Green Party Association and the Nickel Belt Greens wish to express their deepest condolences to the family and friends of Diane Marleau, Sudbury’s former Member of Parliament, who passed away earlier today.

Diane Marleau was a dedicated public servant, who ably represented her constituents throughout her many terms in Parliament, and as a municipal councillor. She was respected by both her political allies and opponents.

Her tireless work on behalf of the community, and her passionate commitment to public service, will not be forgotten by the people of Sudbury.

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(opinions expressed in this blog are my own and should not be interpreted as being consistent with the views and/or policies of the Green Party of Canada)


Tuesday, January 29, 2013

NDP's "Simple Majority" Stance on National Unity Clearly Troubling

Just what the heck is going on here, anyway?

Yesterday, upon returning to the House after an extended Christmas break, the Bloc Quebecois announced that it was introducing a new (and relatively straight-forward) Bill to repeal the Clarity Act (apparently consisting of the operative wording, “The Clarity Act is repealed”, if I understood Bloc Leader Daniel Paille correctly on last night’s Power Play with Don Martin). Of course, it stands to reason, I suppose, that a separatist party would want to remove any all constraints to Quebec’s potential exit from Canada, and the Clarity Act, passed by the Jean Chretien Liberals, has been seen as an impediment to Quebec separation for some time now. Whether it is, or not, remains to be debated – but likely such a debate wouldn’t occur until after Quebecois have voted in a referendum, so I can see why the Bloc wants to get out ahead of this issue.

A potentially compelling argument was highlighted by Paille in a letter to the leaders of all of the parties in the House (except Elizabeth May of the Green Party), which pre-emptively scolded party leaders for voting to support the notion of Quebec as a nation in 2006, but not allowing the Quebec nation to decide on its own whether or not to continue within the political association known as Canada (the Green Party was not represented in the Parliament in 2006).

So, from the Bloc’s point of view, this private member’s Bill (the Bloc does not have the status of an official party in this parliament) makes a lot of sense, given the separatist pre-disposition of the Party. On the other hand, the Bloc is clearly playing a partisan political game in the House, largely at the expense of the NDP. The fact is, the Bloc’s bill isn’t going to go anywhere without the support of the Conservative Party, period, end of story. And whether Conservatives have ever truly embraced the Clarity Act or not, clearly this isn’t a can of worms that Conservatives will want to open. Apparently, they’ll leave that to the Opposition parties.

The Clarity Act

The Liberals, the Party with which the Clarity Act originated, regard this legislation as almost sacrosanct. Given that the legislation itself spells out the acceptable criteria regarding how the Canadian union can be broken apart, and given that the legislation was written with the benefit of Canada’s Supreme Court having reviewed a question about that criteria, there may actually be some merit for looking at the Clarity Act that way. Former Prime Minister Jean Chretien certainly regards it as one of his legacy items which his administration left behind to help build a stronger Canada. I’d argue with Chretien that his election financing reforms were actually a stronger nation-building legacy, but hey, I’ve never been the Prime Minister.

To recap, the Clarity Act establishes that for negotiations to occur between Canada and Quebec on separation, a referendum question put to the people of Quebec must be clear (arguably, the past two questions put to voters in 1980 and 1995 were anything but clear in terms of what the outcome of “Yes” vote might have been), and it must be supported by a “clear majority” of voters.

Of course, no examples of a clear question or what number, exactly, constitutes a “clear majority” were offered by the Supreme Court (and therefore, these items didn’t work their way into the Clarity Act either). Despite this lack of certainty in the Clarity Act, it is pretty clear that the Supreme Court did not consider a margin of voter acceptance of 50% plus 1 as an expression of a “clear majority”.

"Clear" vs. "Simple" Majority

So, what is a “clear majority”? The Supreme Court appeared not to offer much in the way of guidance on this issue, but Liberal legislators such as then-Intergovernmental Affairs Minister Stephane Dion certainly did give it some thought. Dion, apparently, is still thinking about this, as the CBC reports he asked the following question in the House: If 50% plus one is a “clear majority”, what would an “unclear majority” be? (see: "Trudeau knocks Mulcair for 50-plus-1 stance on separation”, CBC, January 28, 2013). Remember, the Supreme Court is comprised of legal experts who use language in a very precise manner. Dion is absolutely correct: through the use of the term “clear majority”, the Court did in fact imply that a “simple majority” of 50% plus 1 isn’t a “clear majority”, else it would have used “simple majority” or “50% plus 1” in its decision.

The Liberal position on the Clarity Act, then, remains consistent. The 4-member Bloc certainly won’t be receiving any support from the Liberals for its Clarity Act-killing Bill.

The NDP and the Sherbrooke Declaration

So what about the NDP? One might think that the NDP’s historic support of the Clarity Act back in 1999 (with only 2 MP’s dissenting – back when NDP MP’s could actually vote against the position of their Party), one might think that the NDP would continue to support the notion of a “clear majority” vote for separation.

But things have changed for the NDP. In 2005, the NDP adopted what has become known as the “Sherbrooke Declaration”, which states that a clear question need only receive 50% plus 1, a simple majority, for separation to take place. At the time of its adoption, pundits and critics believed that the NDP, which had never been strong in Quebec, were simply pandering to sovereigntists voters in an attempt to show that the NDP could be more “reasonable” than the Liberals. Electoral results in Quebec since 2005 seem to suggest that this may have been exactly what happened in Quebec, as the NDP’s success soared to undreamt of heights in the 2011 national election. While I’m sure that this was not simply because of the Sherbrooke Declaration, I certainly believe that the NDP’s “separatism-lite” stance had a lot to do with their electoral success.

So, despite the NDP having moved closer to the Bloc’s position on separation (at least in terms of a simple majority), the NDP has indicated that it won’t support the Bloc Bill to repeal the Act. In an attempt to show that the NDP is a worthy successor to Stephen Harper’s Conservative government, at least as far as the Orwellian naming of Bills goes, NDP MP Craig Scott introduced the “Unity Bill”, which would repeal the Clarity Act, and replace it with new legislation that requires a clear question and a simple majority.

The NDP believes that their Bill will actually provide a clearer framework for the break-up of our country. On paper, it might seem that they’re correct. Establishing a numeric threshold, rather than trying to figure out what, exactly, a “clear majority” is after the fact, seems to be an improvement over the Clarity Act. But keep in mind that the threshold for Quebec’s separation is to be set horribly low – a simple majority. And, importantly, keep in mind that this threshold contradicts the threshold established by the Supreme Court of Canada.

The NDP's "Unity Bill": Crisis in the Making

Is the NDP deliberately inviting a future constitutional crisis by proposing legislation which goes against the expression of Canada’s top court? Remember, the Supreme Court has used the term “clear majority”, which the NDP, erroneously I believe, have interpreted to mean “simple majority”. And it’s not just me who sees it this way.

While the NDP’s “Unity Bill” almost certainly will not be adopted by this Parliament due to the Conservative’s majority (not to mention all of the dissenting Liberal votes), it is very reasonable to conclude that should the NDP ever form government, similar legislation would be offered up, and potentially approved by an NDP majority. From there, it’s not hard to imagine a scenario where a fairly straight-forward question is put to the people of Quebec, and receives a “Yes” vote of less than, say, 55%. Having met the threshold of a simple majority, our government and the Quebec National Assembly begin to negotiate Quebec’s divorce from Canada. But wait a minute! There’s a legal challenge from someone with an interest in keeping Quebec in Canada, and the legal challenge hinges on the notion that 55% isn’t a “clear majority” as articulated by the Supreme Court. What if such a legal argument is made in front of the Supreme Court – and the Court accepts it!

NDP: Intent on Ignoring Reality for Partisan Gain

This isn’t the stuff of fantasy, by the way. This is a very possible road that we all might find ourselves on if the NDP’s reckless Sherbrooke Declaration ever ends up in law. This is an example of how partisan political pandering on the part of the NDP in Quebec can lead to a crisis of unity for the nation.

Tom Mulcair, since taking on the reigns of leadership of the New Democratic Party, has been very clear and unequivocal about his support for the Sherbrooke Declaration. As far as building and maintaining a partisan political base of support in Quebec, Mulcair’s embracing the Sherbrooke Declaration makes sense. But what about other parts of the country in which the NDP ostensibly has an interest? All that Mulcair and the NDP have been saying to the Rest of Canada is that a simple majority was the threshold in 1980 and 1995; it’s what’s being used elsewhere, and it’s good enough for all sorts of votes, why not use it on the issue of separation as well?

Of course this simplistic answer ignores the current reality: in this particular case, the threshold for Quebec separation has already been discussed by our Supreme Court, which determined that a “clear majority” is necessary. It’s no longer 1980 or even 1995 – nor is this Scotland. It’s Canada in 2013, and here the NDP continues to want to pretend it’s otherwise. Mulcair’s arguments might sound persuasive if accepted out of this context – and in ignorance of reality. But our legislators shouldn’t be ignoring reality, especially not on something as important as the future of Canada as a nation.

No Need for New Legislation

The Conservative government has recently found itself embroiled in yet another scandal as a result of accusations that it has knowingly been passing legislation which ignores the laws of the land.  Does the NDP really want to be known for proposing legislation which is out of step with legal rulings?

Richard Fidler, in his Life on the Left blog, wrote in May 2011, that former NDP Leader Jack Layton had this to say about the Sherbrooke Declaration and the Clarity Act: “We’ll follow the decision of the Supreme Court judges,” he said. “We think that’s an appropriate framework. We don’t need to be revisiting legislation.” At the same time, he said in French that he stood by the Sherbrooke Declaration (see: "Layton chooses Supreme Court, Clarity Act over NDP's Sherbrooke Declaration", Life on the Left, May 25, 2011).  Statements such as this probably led pundits to conclude that Layton had the habit of saying one thing in French to Quebec, and another in English to the rest of Canada, which is certainly one of the most cynical games a national politician can play, especially when the heart of the issue is the nation's unity.  Nevertheless, what is clear is that an NDP Leader, as recently as 2011, was signaling that there was no need for new legislation on this matter.

So why is Tom Mulcair wanting to revisit this issue now?  Is revisiting the Clarity Act really one of the most important hot-button issues in Canada right now?  Sure, Opposition Parties have the capacity to do more than one thing at the same time, but c'mon.  Is this even in the top 10?  Top 20?

Or does the NDP's sudden interest have more to do with heading the Bloc Quebecois off at the pass in 2015, by getting out in front of this issue in Quebec?  And, by extension, getting out in front of a new, vibrant, populist, Quebec-centred Liberal Leader, who will be annointed by the Liberals later this spring?  Mulcair wants to show Quebec voters that the NDP remains willing to walk a tight-rope on the issue of self-determination (that would read "separatism" in the Rest of Canada), no matter that one end of the tight-rope is tethered in some alternate reality, sort of like that scene from "Poltergeist" where Craig T. Nelson walks through the closet door to who knows where and later emerges through a portal in the living room ceiling.  Seems to me that on this issue, the NDP wants to take all Canadians on a similar excursion.

National Unity - Bigger than Partisan Game-Playing

Judging by the headlines found from newsmedia around the country, the NDP’s position is going over like a lead balloon in the Rest of Canada. Why Mulcair has allowed his party to get sucked into this vacuum of the Bloc’s creation, I just don’t understand. Up until this point, I had thought that Mulcair had been doing a respectable job of showing Canadians – all Canadians – that the NDP is getting ready to govern. But with this latest “Unity Bill” nonsense, it’s clear that the NDP remains, to some very real and troubling respects, the gang that can’t shoot straight. This bungle would be comedic in nature, if it wasn’t for the fact that they’re messing around with something as important as our national unity. Now this partisan ploy is just reprehensible.

Here in Greater Sudbury, we are represented by two NDP MP’s – Glenn Thibeault (Sudbury) and Claude Gravelle (Nickel Belt). Given the NDP’s propensity to use the whip to keep its voting MP’s in line whenever it can, it would seem likely that our MP’s are going to vote for the “Unity Bill”. I hope that’s not the case, as there really is no convincing argument which can be made which supports a threshold of 50% plus 1 for a referendum question which breaks up our nation, especially given that the Supreme Court has suggested that a “clear majority” is necessary, and that this concept has been enshrined in legislation since 1999. I have sometimes been accused of being “out of step” with members of my community on certain issues, but when it comes to national unity, I’m pretty darn sure that most Sudburians would agree that legislation enshrining the “simple majority” concept for the break-up of our nation is quite problematic. Thibeault and Gravelle ought to carefully consider the aspirations and desires of their constituents when voting on the Unity Bill in the near future.

(for a previous blogpost related to this topic, please see "The NDP's Dangerous National Unity Game: the Triumph of Talking Points Over Truth", July 31, 2012)

(opinions expressed in this blog are my own and should not be interpreted as being consistent with the views and/or policies of the Green Party of Canada)

Wednesday, January 23, 2013

Green Voices in the Mainstream Media Wilderness: Ignoring a Green Perspective on the Economics of Climate Change



So, U.S. President Barack Obama has finally started to talk about climate change. After a year-long presidential election campaign in which the words “climate change” were barely mumbled by either the Republican or Democratic candidates, in Obama’s inaugural address given on January 21st, he had some powerful words to share with the American people – and by extension, the world – on the subject of climate change. While what, if anything, Obama now intends to do about the global climate crisis, after years of inaction on the part of the United States, and after scuttling any real progress which could have been made at the international Copenhagen climate talks in 2009, Obama had this to say about climate change (as reported in the Huffington Post):

“We, the people, still believe that our obligations as Americans are not just to ourselves, but to all posterity. We will respond to the threat of climate change, knowing that the failure to do so would betray our children and future generations. Some may still deny the overwhelming judgment of science, but none can avoid the devastating impact of raging fires, and crippling drought, and more powerful storms. The path towards sustainable energy sources will be long and sometimes difficult. But America cannot resist this transition; we must lead it. We cannot cede to other nations the technology that will power new jobs and new industries – we must claim its promise. That is how we will maintain our economic vitality and our national treasure – our forests and waterways; our croplands and snowcapped peaks. That is how we will preserve our planet, commanded to our care by God. That’s what will lend meaning to the creed our fathers once declared.”

In Canada, conversations in the mainstream media around Obama’s pronouncements have largely focussed on how this might impact the pace of resource extraction in the Alberta Tar Sands, and whether this may be a signal from the President that he will not approve TransCanada’s Keystone XL pipeline project. The entire substance of Obama’s pronouncement on climate change here appears to be viewed through a lens of resource-based economic development, which, for me, and most Canadians, is a really strange way of looking at the world, given that Obama is talking about new jobs, sustainable energy, and the perils we face from rising and acidifying oceans, extreme weather events and the future world which we will be leaving behind for our children.

Nevertheless, politicians and pundits are reacting predictably, and the mainstream media is giving Canadians only a small slice of an overall narrative. Alternatives voices to this narrative remain active in the world of social media (thanks for reading, by the way!), but even when warming weather trends are discussed, or opponents to pipelines are interviewed, the idea that human-produced greenhouse gases are altering planetary climate to the detriment of our economy just isn’t in the picture.

Right-Wing Pundits

Right-wing media pundits predictably try to frame the Canadian “debate” around the notion that there are some alarmist and emotional environmentalists (who clearly don’t understand economic realities or scientific facts) who want to shut down the tar sands for, well, whatever bizarre reason they might have. Of course, I find this line of reasoning from right-wingers interesting, because it is becoming increasingly clear that those who identify with the Conservative Party of Canada (but not necessarily small-c “conservatives”) clearly do not understand either basic economics or the idea that decision-making should be based on factual evidence. If they did understand, they would be taking the climate crisis far more seriously, for the threat that a warming planet poses to our economy, if for no other reason.

Small-c “conservatives” understand that if climate change unfolds in a manner which scientific experts are telling us it will, the impact on Canada’s economy is expected to be staggering: upwards of $5 billion a year annually, and between $21 and $43 billion by the 2050s, according to a 2011 report from Canada’s National Round Table on Energy and Environment (“Climate change will cost Canada $5 billion yearly by 2020, reports says”, the Toronto Star, September 29, 2011. After this report was published, the large “C” Conservative government decided to terminate the roundtable, ostensibly because it continued to argue for a “job-killing” carbon tax. Of course, NRTEE did nothing of the sort. NRTEE was, however, guilty of providing inconvenient facts which raised questions about the Conservative government’s handling of the economy in the face of a crisis which the government refuses to recognize.

Left-Wing Pundits

What about left-wing politicians and pundits, though? The right-wing often views climate change as a left-wing issue (erroneously, in my opinion), because the Conservative Party in Canada (and like-minded provincial political parties) kow-tow to the oil industry; they’re intent on giving as much of our natural resources away as quickly as possible, to generate a buck today instead of saving for tomorrow. The left-wing has often taken what can be called a more socially-minded “go slow” approach to resource extraction; one which focuses on revenue sharing over a longer term, rather than runaway resource depletion.

Tom Mulcair, before becoming Leader of the NDP, wrote about the Tar Sands and resource extraction in Policy Options Magazine (“Tar Sands: Dirty Oil and the Future of a Country”). Shortly after Mulcair’s musings appeared in print, I wrote about his piece in my blog, and praised him for his “excellent article” and wrote that “It’s clear that Mulcair understands the need of putting sustainability at the head of decision-making processes.” (“Tom Mulcair and the Tar Sands: One Step Forward, One Step Back”, Sudbury Steve May, March 21 2012). Since then, and after taking a beating in the neo-liberal mainstream media over making comments about “Dutch Disease”, Mulcair and the NDP have largely backed away from discussing climate change in public.

Although his article was written almost a year ago, Mulcair has offered little more in the way of specifics with regards to what his concept of “sustainable development” would truly entail – and how it would be an economic benefit for Canadians. In short, he has allowed the right-wing to continue to portray taking action on the climate crisis as a threat to the health of Canada’s economy, even though he clearly knows better. Lamely, all Mulcair and the NDP seem to have offered Canadians on this topic throughout 2012 has been to fight denials made by Conservative MP’s and their lap-dog media pundits that they would introduce a “job-killing carbon tax” if they ever formed government. Rather than using the Conservative mudslinging as an attempt to engage in a mature discussion about carbon pricing and the economic impacts of climate change, Mulcair and the NDP instead continue to engage at the Conservative’s level – by slinging mud of their own right back at them.

The NDP – Can’t Commit to Action

NDP supporters who once believed that their Party was serious about wanting to tackle the climate crisis must be cringing, as it is becoming increasingly clear that Mulcair is willing to sacrifice good public policy options at the altar of “electability”, where the less said about much of anything, the better. Although the NDP continues to champion a Cap and Trade carbon pricing mechanism, discussion about how such a scheme could work isn’t happening in public, and NDP MP’s appear reluctant to draw attention to it (maybe because it’s an overly bureaucratic way of reducing emissions, particularly in comparison to, say, a straightforward revenue neutral carbon tax). Of course, this level of engagement on the issue of climate change is of no help to Canadians who are clearly growing frustrated with the lack of solutions on offer from our so-called leaders.

Keep in mind that while the federal NDP has never formed a government, the NDP has found itself in power provincially. There are currently NDP governments in Nova Scotia and Manitoba, and those governments, along with former NDP governments in British Columbia and Ontario, have consistently failed to take any action at all on carbon pricing, despite NDP member-approved policies which call for action. Only Liberal governments in Quebec and British Columbia have actually taken the idea of carbon pricing seriously, with the B.C. carbon tax being hailed throughout the world as a model for other jurisdictions, national and subnational, to use to reduce emissions and shift tax burdens. Yet the NDP, in the provincial election campaign of 2009, cynically ran on a platform to “Axe the Tax”. Had they formed government, it’s clear that the international successes which B.C. has been lauded with thanks to its carbon tax would not have happened. It is unclear today whether BC NDP Leader Adrian Dix will once again lead his Party in a campaign to axe the tax – a slogan that always finds resonance with voters, even those who enjoy the benefits of a healthy economy and the public services provided by their government. For the NDP, though, obtaining and keeping power is always more important than good public policy.

The Liberals – Who Knows?

The Liberals seem to have even less to offer Canadians than the NDP. A blogpost from Liberal Environment Critic Kirsty Duncan has been making the rounds on the internet lately. Some have suggested that her blog, and remarks made by Leader-in-Waiting Justin Trudeau, shows that the Liberals are serious about wanting to take action on climate change. While Duncan’s blog presents the facts around the issue of climate change, it reads like a laundry list of what we already know about the crisis. Very little is offered in the way of what Canada should do about it, and what is on offer is the usual sort of platitudes about getting serious about developing an action plan. Good, I suppose, for what it is, but so general as to be of little utility. Kind of like the Liberal Party’s position on just about every other issue of importance to Canadians.

Trudeau’s recent musings in particular demonstrate to me that the Liberals will continue to try to convince Canadians that we can have it both ways: A booming oil-based runaway-extractive economy which mines what NASA scientist James Hansen has referred to as the “carbon bomb”, as quickly as possible, while still reducing emissions. For all that Duncan criticizes the Conservative government for not having a “plan”, it’s clear that the Liberals themselves don’t have a plan either, and that they never had a plan even when in power under Jean Chretien, other than to fool Canadians into thinking that we were going to live up to our international commitments under Kyoto to reduce emissions. And fool Canadians the Liberals did. I guess if it worked once, Liberals like Trudeau think that they can do so again.

The Mainstream Media

Given the circumstances which Canada’s old-line political parties find themselves in, it’s no wonder that the mainstream media, beholden as it is to its profit-obsessed neo-liberal interests, has failed so miserably at presenting alternative views related to climate change. The media continues to position taking action on climate change as being an adversarial position to economic growth. That’s their narrative, and they’re sticking to it. Not even the Official Opposition dares question this media-driven paradigm which defies the facts and sound long-term economic planning. Where in the mainstream is the “green” point of view on climate change? And, for that matter, the Green point of view?

Green Voices in the Media Wilderness

Despite receiving a significant percentage of the vote-share in the past several Canadian elections, and electing Party Leader Elizabeth May to parliament in 2011, and despite ideologically-linked Green parties having significant influence on governments throughout the world, Canada’s mainstream media continues to treat green political ideology as a non-existent. Greens and their political analysis, position and policies, are an afterthought at best, or grossly misrepresented at worst – not necessarily out of malice, but often simply due to a lack of understanding of green politics and ideology.

The Green point of view on climate change doesn’t start with the climate crisis posing a threat to Canada’s runaway resource-extractive economy because reducing greenhouse gas emissions will slow down oil sector growth. Instead, the Green point of view is informed by the science of climate change and the economic analyses which strongly suggest that inaction on reducing emissions will surely lead to future costs which we cannot afford to pay (refer back to that $5 billion annually, and up to $43 billion by the 2050’s, projected by NRTEE). Greens know that unless we can hold warming at 2 degrees Celsius by significantly reducing greenhouse gas emissions in the short term, we risk running up against environmental tipping points leading to runaway warming. From there, Greens proceed to make the connection to the idea that Canada’s economy is going to be negatively impacted in a warming world, and understand that 2 degrees of warming is not something which we should be aspiring to, but instead is something which we might have to be forced to live with, even in a best-case scenario. Simply put, Greens understand that the costs of doing nothing are far greater than the costs of taking action.

Now, believe it or not, that appears to be a bit of a radical notion to the other political parties, and to the mainstream media. Even though individual MP’s in other parties might understand this fact from an intellectual perspective, their own point of view is often tempered by notions that they can’t say so publicly for fear of being “unelectable” because they might find themselves at odds with the mainstream media narrative. When message management becomes the first priority for our elected officials, it’s fair to say that there’s something grossly wrong with the priorities.

Green Party Leader Elizabeth May recently wrote (again) about the 2 degrees Celsius threshold for warming (“Why a two degree Celsius increase in the global average temperature is a big deal”), interestingly on the same day as President Obama was giving his inaugural address and on the very same day that Environment Canada publicly changed its benchmarking for determining “normal” weather in an increasingly warming world (see: “Dramatic temperature increases could threaten Canadian health, infrastructure”, The Globe and Mail, January 21 2013). Yet, May’s point of view, which clearly connected the dots between warming weather, fighting climate change and the economic importance of holding warming at 2 degrees Celsius or less received no attention in the mainstream media. Pundit after pundit pontificated about the pace of runaway resource extraction, but nothing was said about the pace runaway climate change.

Honest Political Discourse

Look, this discussion is one which the mainstream media will continue to ignore as long as old-line politicians keep saying the same things over and over again. The NDP, Liberals and Conservatives want Canadians to believe that we can continue to develop the tar sands and prevent the world from experiencing the worst from global warming. They disagree only on the pace of development, not on whether it might just be a good idea to start thinking about leaving some of those resources in the ground. Pace is important, sure; but how about being honest with Canadians about the consequences of tar sands development?

Until a level of honesty is injected into the political discourse, the mainstream media will continue to ignore the fact that there is an alternative point of view. However, discussions are clearly taking place in the realm of social media. You can read about it on rabble, or at the Huffington Post. It’s just that as far as mainstream media outlets like CTV, the Globe and Mail, the Toronto Star and the CBC are concerned, the point of view isn’t one worth exploring. Of course, the usual series of media pundits trotted out by these news organizations tend to be affiliated with one of the three old-line political parties, so the opinions on offer go far towards reinforcing the idea that those are the only valid opinions on the topic.

Make the Damn Connections, Please!

As an aside, and for the purposes of illustration, I had the pleasure of watching CBC’s “The National” last night. The lead story had to do with the cold temperature being experienced across Canada. The second story of the night was also weather-related, and had to do with Environment Canada’s recent changes to benchmarking. CBC clearly reported that the world is warming, and Canada, in particular, had experienced a rise in annual temperatures of 3.2 degrees Celsius in the past 60 years. And that was interesting, sure, but what about context? No explanation was offered by the CBC as to why the world was warming. I initially thought that maybe the lack of explanation was because one wasn’t needed. We all know that our industrial society is responsible, right? Well, no, actually we don’t all know that. There are far too many who like to pretend that climate change isn’t happening, and our media seems keen on avoiding any conversation about it which doesn’t conform to the “resource extraction” lens.

I also had the pleasure of watching Don Martin’s Power Play on CTV last night. Don interviewed a member of a Georgian Bay stewardship group about concerns with the water levels in the Great Lakes. The Georgian Bay resident talked about the economic impacts of lower water levels to shipping, and how less shipping might lead to a direct impact on the economic health of the Great Lakes region. When it came time for a discussion about reasons for low water levels, the Georgian Bay steward pointed to climate change as one of the reasons, making the connection between the impacts of global warming and the health of our economy. Afterwards, Don interviewed the Finance Minister of the Province of Alberta, and talked about the need for provincial government spending cuts, because oil revenues were down. The solution both Don and the Finance Minister landed on was the need to get those oil revenues back up into healthy fiscal territory. No connection was made about the implications of continuing to burn fossil fuels and the health of the economy. Don might have offered something about how burning oil, which contributes to warming, might actually continue to exacerbate the problem with low water levels in the Great Lakes, and damage the economy of Ontario and Great Lakes States. But..No. As long as the government can continue to figure out a way to have Albertans avoid paying a sales tax, that’s really all that’s important. Right?

Real Solutions for the 21st Century

My point is, of course, that it isn’t right. It’s clear to me, and to many Canadians, that our economic system is failing us. We need to start having conversations about this increasingly problematic notion of “economic growth” on which we have invested so much of our hope for the future. We are living now in a time where the sort of exponential growth required to fuel a “healthy” economy just isn’t going to happen any longer. Just as Environment Canada was forced to rethink its benchmarks for “normal” weather in a warming world, so too must economists and politicians begin to rethink what a healthy economy means at a time when the concept of perpetual growth has been shown to be unsustainable.

Our economy, fuelled largely by non-renewables, is now butting up against the limits of a finite planet. While there remain plenty of fossil fuel resources in the ground for our exploitation, we know that relying on these resources is going to become increasingly expensive in terms of production (there’s a reason that the term “fracking” has entered into our vocabulary recently, and it has nothing to do with Battlestar Galactica). And we know if we continue rely on fossil fuels to power our economy, we are sure to warm the planet beyond 2 degrees Celsius and suffer the consequences of runaway warming. And that makes a reliance on fossil fuels unsustainable and dangerous to our long-term economic health.

Towards Sustainability

President Obama, if we are to believe him from the words he spoke in his inaugural address, seems to understand this. We can’t continue along with “business as usual” because we’re deep into a new normal now. There’s nothing “usual” about paying $1.30 for gasoline at the pump. There’s nothing “usual” about warming the planet between 2 and 5 degrees in a matter of decades. There’s nothing “usual”, sensible or sane about handing our children a planet unprepared and ill equipped to meet the challenges they will face, because we have decided to mortgage their future for our own short-term benefit.

Credit Obama at least for having the audacity to finally talk about climate change after years of silence. But he now needs to back up his words with actions. The very first thing he can do is acknowledge that the economic risks of runaway climate change will be exacerbated by runaway tar sands resource development. Obama must formally kill the Keystone XL pipeline, and by doing so, slow the pace of production of the world’s dirtiest oil. That decision will not impact current levels of resource extraction, but it will certainly slow the pace of expansion, which is needed until real economic measures, such as carbon pricing, better balance the playing field for renewables.

Right now, fossil fuel production receives incredible public subsidies, which make their use for energy production more attractive than renewables like wind and solar. The elimination of direct government subsidies to fossil fuel companies would be a good start (estimated in Canada to be worth about $1.2 billion annually). A good follow-up would be imposing a price on greenhouse gas emissions, ending the pollution subsidy which producers and consumers have enjoyed for far too long. Getting the price of energy right after all of the decades of passing pollution costs onto our children will be a good start towards creating a more sustainable economy.

Climate Change – A Non-Partisan Crisis

In Canada, our politicians, be they Conservatives, Liberals or NDP, seem to want to avoid these discussions at all costs. Only the Green Party is willing to engage Canadians in real discussions about economic sustainability. For the good of Canada, I sincerely wish that the voice of the Green Party was not a lone voice in the media wilderness – the stakes are too high. The climate crisis isn’t a partisan issue. I wish that the other political parties would stop treating it as such.

(opinions expressed in this blog are my own and should not be interpreted as being consistent with the views and/or policies of the Green Party of Canada)