Just one month after triumphantly
returning from the Paris Climate talks, it seems that our federal and
provincial governments really were just full of hot air after all. “Business as
usual” continues to prevail, and there remains a lack of political will to do
what's necessary to hold global temperature increases between 1.5 and 2 degrees
Celsius – the level of warming the international community committed to in the
historic Paris agreement. In Canada’s case, doing what’s necessary means leaving
much of our known fossil resources in the ground.
Canada is one of the world's largest
per capita emitters of greenhouse gases (see: “Greenhouse Gas Emissions,” the Conference Boardof Canada, 2011).
We're also home to the Athabasca tar sands, one of the most
carbon-intensive deposits of oil in the world.
As much as 85% of known tar sands deposits must stay safely sequestered
in the ground if Canada is to meet former Prime Minister Harper’s international
commitment to lower emissions by 30% of 2005 levels by 2030 (see: “85% of tar sands must stay in the ground tolimit climate change to 2 degrees Celsius,” the Council of Canadians, January
8, 2015).
Harper's target has been soundly
condemned for its lack of ambition, given Canada's historic rate of
emissions. However, Justin Trudeau's new
Liberal government has refused to set its own target, and has instead decided
to leave it to the provinces to determine appropriate emissions reduction levels. Although
Trudeau has proposed modest tinkering with the National Energy Board (NEB), the
agency tasked with overseeing pipeline assessments, the Liberals haven’t halted
on-going reviews of TransCanada’s Energy East or Kinder Morgan’s Trans Mountain
pipelines, or required upstream and downstream evaluation of climate impacts.
New bitumen pipelines are only
necessary if tar sands production increases – a scenario long contemplated
under Alberta's former PC government. Expansion
plans haven’t changed under the Alberta NDP, even with a new carbon pricing
plan released by Premier Rachel Notley just before the Paris conference. Alberta’s NDP government and the Canadian
Association of Petroleum Producers both believe the new plan will create the social
license necessary for Alberta to grow the tar sands (see: " AB climate strategy expected to build moremarket access,” the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers, November 22,
2015).
Earlier this week, British Columbia and
Alberta shared with the NEB their respective positions on the Kinder Morgan
pipeline review. B.C. Premier Christy
Clark’s Liberal government opposes the project, due to the lack of an
acceptable oil spill clean-up plan (see: “B.C. rejects Kinder Morgan’s bid to expandTrans Mountain pipeline,” the Globe and Mail, January 11, 2016). Clark also made support conditional on
Kinder Morgan fulfilling all legal aboriginal and treaty rights – a condition
that might come back to haunt B.C. after its Supreme Court decided this week
that the province can’t pawn off to the NEB its Crown duty to consult with
First Nations (see: “B.C. government failed to properly consult withFirst Nations on Northern Gateway pipeline, court rules,” CBC News, January 13,
2016).
Climate change impacts, however, don’t
appear to concern B.C.’s premier. Clark,
with the support of B.C.’s NDP opposition, and with federal subsidies promised
initially by Stephen Harper and recommitted to by Justin Trudeau, has staked
her province’s economic future on developing high-emissions liquified fracked
gas.
Despite B.C.’s objections to Kinder
Morgan, particularly those regarding First Nations rights, Premier Notley's
Alberta government advised the NEB of its unequivocal support for the new
pipeline, suggesting that expanding the tar sands would benefit all Canadians (see: “Alberta premier says lack of pipeline accesshurts all Canadians,” the Calgary Herald, January 13, 2016).
What happens with the Alberta tar sands
matters to the rest of Canada, but not in the way Premier Notley thinks. If Alberta’s plan is fully implemented by
2030, with only 12% of Canada’s population, the province will be emitting 50%
of Canada’s greenhouse gases (see: “Alberta’s new carbon tax,” Skeptical Science,
December 31, 2015). As a result, Ontario, which has already ended
coal-fired electrical generation, may be on the hook to do more than its fair
share to further reduce emissions. Our
own energy-intensive industrial sectors, like the mining sector, may be put at
risk thanks to an abdication of climate leadership at the federal level, and to
Alberta not doing its fair share. “Business as usual” indeed.
(opinions expressed in this blogpost are my own and should not be considered consistent with the policies and/or positions of the Green Parties of Ontario and Canada)
Originally published in the Sudbury Star as "Sudbury Column: Business as usual on climate change" (online), and "Despite Paris, business as usual on climate change" (print), January 16, 2016 - without hyperlinks.
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