Last night, I attended one of the most unusual meetings of federal election candidates that I've ever been to. Hosted by the Greater Sudbury Social Planning Council, the all-candidates meeting consisted of the normal questions and answers. What made last night's meeting a bit of a surreal experience was the strange behaviour of all of the candidates. Let me elaborate about what I saw.
I saw...candidates answer the questions they were asked, and not provide answers to the questions they might have preferred to have been asked. I heard answers which were considered and informative, largely devoid of spin, and almost entirely devoid of anything akin to an attack on the policies or personalities of the other parties. I saw candidates compliment one another, and draw attention to the good work that other parties have put into their policies.
In short, I seemed to have stepped into some sort of Twilight Zone episode where a group of politicians, opponents in an election, engaged their audience in a respectful way, and provided substantive answers to questions, in an effort to provide more information to voters.
Where was I? I thought...I thought that we were in the midst of an election here. An election where spin trumps substance, where policies are reduced to sharp spear-points used to impale opponents, rather than broad discussion points used to engage voters. Where popularity, often defined by how effectively one can skewer one's opposition, counts more for careful and considered platforms and program options.
I absolutely need to congratulate the Social Planning Council for hosting this meeting, and for sticking to the format they have developed. If Sudbury voters wanted the straight goods from the political representatives who are seeking their vote, they could not have done better than to come out to last night's meeting. Sadly, most in the audience, like myself, clearly found themselves in the “minds already made up” category.
The meeting was attended by the incumbent, Glenn Thibeault of the NDP. Thibeault was engaging and charming as usual, and aptly advanced the platform of his party in a way that made sense to those in the audience. He provided a veritable buffet of solutions on issues such as eliminating poverty and crime prevention, hitting all of his party's high notes. Thibeault, who was a very effective and persuasive speaker in the 2008 election (despite being a political novice at the time) has upped his game since being sent to the House of Commons as Sudbury's MP.
Not to be outdone by Thibeault was Carol Hartman, the Liberal candidate. She spoke concisely and effectively about some of the major Liberal platform planks, and clearly explained how those planks would go far in building the kind of Canada that Michael Ignatieff often talks about as a Liberal Canada. I had never heard Hartman speak before, and I was extremely impressed with her ability to communicate her Party's positions in a personal and engaging way. Her story about canvassing and encountering young mothers who have told her that they would really rather be working but can't afford child care really hit home with the audience.
Veteran politician Fred Twilley of the Green Party was also extremely effective at sharing his Party's views on a wide range of social issues. As a strong advocate for restorative justice, he really shone when discussing crime prevention. Along with leaving the audience curious as to just what might be in his garage, Twilley received the biggest round of applause of the evening when answering a question about the need for parties to work together in Parliament. He suggested that “coalition” and “co-operation” aren't dirty words, no matter what some are saying. Twilley clearly conveyed his understanding of the importance of our democratic institutions.
Last but not close to being the least, Will Morin from the “new kid on the block” First People's National Party challenged the audience to think about the issues in a different way. Not simply from a First Nations perspective, mind you. Morin illustrated how we our entire society has started to find itself in a similar position to First Nation's people, thanks to rampant globalization, increasing poverty and the growing gap between the ultra-rich and the rest of us. Morin, I'm sure, left the biggest impression on the audience with his wisdom and his wit. Although representing a small political party, he showed repeatedly that he is fearless when it comes to the health of Canada's democracy. Morin is a man we must all keep our eyes on in the years ahead.
The only downer of the night was the absence of Conservative candidate Fred Slade. No explanation was provided by the Social Planning Council (which doesn't necessarily mean that they weren't provided with an explanation). However, this is the second all-candidates meeting which Slade has been absent from. Yesterday's Sudbury Star reported that Slade has also turned down an opportunity to engage with his opponents and educate Sudburians on his Party's policies and platform at the Good Green Town Hall, taking place at the Fraser Auditorium next week. Seems that Slade, an accountant, is too busy to attend, given the time of year. Scuttlebutt on the internet is that Slade will be at the Chamber of Commerce's all-candidates debate next Tuesday at City Hall. That may be the only chance that Sudburians have to ask Slade just where the heck he has been, and why he continues to think that he would be an effective representative for Sudburians in Ottawa, given that he doesn't seem to want to participate all that fully in our democratic processes.
Not to slam Slade, but the more he absents himself from public forums, the more important that it is that he come clean and address these issues. Sure, we know that Conservative candidates throughout Canada are avoiding debates. It's an effective campaign strategy for a front runner which is running largely on its record. Especially when those front runners have a bad habit of shooting their Party in the foot when they do open their mouths. Look no further than to the recent musings of Brad Trost, Saskatoon-Humboldt's MP, who wants to do all that he can to re-open the abortion debate despite his Party's best efforts to remain silent on it.
The candidates appearing at last night's meeting openly wondered about Slade's absence. It was my impression that the audience certainly wanted to know more about where Slade has been throughout this campaign, but the candidates kept their musings to a respectable level, and went on with the business of discussing their platforms and the issues with those in attendance.
And it's too bad, really, because with the format of last night's meeting, Slade would have had a great opportunity to share his Party's vision on social issues with Sudburians. There weren't any questions asked which could not have been answered effectively by someone knowledgeable with the Conservative Party's platform and performance while in government. And for once, it wasn't at all clear that there were any (ok, maybe there was one) clearly partisan questions from audience members, which is the usual fare at debates. People in attendance genuinely wanted to hear about where Canada's largest political party stood on the issues which were important for them. But it wasn't to be. Sure, I guess we can call Slade or send him an email. But you know, it's just not the same. And frankly, these absences are eroding his credibility. Sudburians are seeing that.
In my annual Crystal Ball Gazing blogpost which I wrote at the beginning of the year, I predicted that Glenn Thibeault would go down in defeat to Fred Slade, because Slade is a crafty political insider and a good communicator. What I didn't foresee was that Slade would ending up following the same route as so many other Conservative candidates (including his predecessor in the 2008 election here in Sudbury) and deliberately silence himself for whatever reason. Sure, he's had a few press conferences which have received requisite media attention, and sure, nothing horrible has befallen his campaign, but Slade has put himself in an unexpected and unnecessary hole with his absences from public forums. Given that his Party was just recently forced from government due to contempt for democracy charges being brought against them in the House, it surprises me that Slade would show this kind of contempt for local voters, despite it being an effective election strategy. Sometimes it's more important to do what's right for others than it is to do what's right for yourself. In my opinion, an election campaign, where you are a candidate and inviting people to vote for you, well, that's always one of those times.
I have just one last thing to add about last night's meeting. When I returned home, I had the chance to catch Stephen Harper's interview with Peter Mansbridge on CBC's “The National”. After watching politicians honestly answer the questions put to them, it was very disheartening to watch Harper wriggle and squirm and contort himself into a pretzel to avoid answering Mansbridge's question about the constitutional legitimacy of a coalition. Look, I realize that it's not a question Harper would prefer to answer, but by avoiding a straight answer, he's left the issue dangling for further interpretation. Frankly, it does his Party and himself a great disservice, because we still don't know just what Harper believes about the legitimacy of coalition governments in Canada. He opened the door on this issue long before the campaign ever started. He owes it to Canadians to be straight with his answers, but instead he chooses to insult our intelligence by avoiding straight answers.
At last night's all-candidates meeting, I felt uplifted, engaged, and proud to be a participant (even a partisan one) in Canada's democratic process. It's too bad that all voters (and especially those whom choose not to vote) couldn't have witnessed what I saw last night. Opinions of politics and politicians might have been altered by the experience.
(Opinions expressed in this blog are my own, and should not be interpreted as being consistent with those of the Green Party of Canada)
Friday, April 22, 2011
Thursday, April 21, 2011
Unexpected NDP Surge Derails Media-Scripted Election. Thank Goodness Something Has.
Well, someone finally chucked out the media script for the election, and we’ve suddenly entered into uncharted territory. Throughout the day today, a number of polls have been released which show the NDP surging ahead of the Bloc Quebecois in Quebec. Further, the NDP appears to be tied in national polling with the Liberals.
This wasn’t in anybody’s game plan.
The NDP had a solid, if uninspiring, start to the election campaign. In the first few weeks, however, media interest in Layton began to wane, as the election fell into a media-driven faux campaign, with issues left behind in the dust in preference to stories about the election itself. Even today, it remains difficult for those who want to talk about issues to get much in the way of face time with the media. Clearly, election campaigns have degenerated into spectacle-driven popularity contests.
And in such a contest, the unexpected appears to have happened. In both the English and French language leader’s debate, Jack Layton was perceived as the individual winner. This had more to do with his image than his policies; presentation again trumped substance.
This doesn’t really surprise me. Layton is a popular and likable man, and the NDP certainly knows how to play it to the camera. If they spent as much time working on fully-costed policies as they do on promoting themselves through the media, it might be a Party that I could get a little more excited about. But I certainly can’t deny that when it comes to glitz and glam, the NDP has always outperformed.
This is Jack Layton’s moment, and although I think that the surge is surprising him and the NDP handlers just as much as it’s surprising the media, this is exactly with the NDP have been hoping would happen (although not in their wildest dreams did they ever think that a breakthrough in Quebec would be leading the way).
Apparently, in Quebec, they’re talking about the “Jack-istes” today, in reference to young, urban, francophone NDP supporters. We’ll have to see if those supporters translate into votes at the ballot box, however, as this age demographic has a bit of a reputation for staying at home (or more precisely, at the office or at the study hall) on election day, whereas the Bloc can count on solid support from an older demographic that enjoys casting a ballot, and indeed who still believe it’s their civic duty to do so.
Good for the NDP, I say. I expect that their “dancing with the stars” moment will continue for the duration of the election. We could be witnessing a sea-change in Canadian politics here, folks, one which no one predicted.
Of course, as the NDP moves ahead of the Liberals in voter intention, it’s quite possible that this will lead directly to a false majority Conservative government situation, as heretofore “hopeless” NDP candidates in lost ridings begin to appear to be viable to voters. This last quarter surge in popularity is certainly going to play havoc with those online strategic voting sites, that’s for sure. And I say good to that too, as I’ve always been opposed to the concept of strategic voting. If we end up with a false majority Conservative government, that’s the way it goes. It will be yet more ammunition to ditch our antiquated first-past-the-post electoral system. It might even convince the NDP that they need to actually do something about it, rather than just talk about it.
A late NDP surge isn’t good for the Green Party, that’s for sure. It will more than likely lead to an increasing number of undecided voters to hop on Jack’s bandwagon. That’s really too bad for us, given that the NDP’s policies are often in direct contradiction to many of the things for which the Green Party stands, including the need to take serious action on fighting climate change.
Sure, in one breath, the NDP says that they want to do more to reduce emissions. In the next breath, they’re talking about cutting taxes on fossil fuels which heat homes and regulating gas prices at the pump. They just don’t get it. Rather than providing hard-working people with real choices about how best to spend their money and putting a firm, easily predictable price on carbon, the NDP (along with the Liberals and the Bloc I hasten to add) seems to want to line the pockets of bankers and traders by imposing an emissions trading scheme on Canadian corporations.
But when Jack Layton says that he’ll stand up to the oil companies on behalf of hard working families and the environment, he just sounds so gosh-darn convincing, doesn’t he?
There’s no denying that Layton had a good couple of debates, although it wasn’t at all clear to me that he “won” either of them. What I can’t help but lament is how different all of this might have turned out for the Green Party had Canadians been given the opportunity to hear from Elizabeth May about the Green’s plans for Canada. While I couldn’t in my wildest dreams think that May’s participation in the Leader’s debates might have driven our Party’s support above the Bloc’s in Quebec, I’m equally sure that the NDP pundits never had such dreams either before this election’s debates.
While we’re clearly starting to stray from the script provided by the media for this election, there remains no doubt in my mind that the election itself continues to be influenced to a significant degree by the media. In a campaign where style trumps substance every time, a Party that can put on the ritz and glitz is going to shine, given the opportunity to do so. The NDP have been masters at doing so, with Jack Layton playing the role of the charming, urbane rabble-rouser. After the Leader’s debates, the media handed him the opportunity to shine, and that’s what he’s done. Or do you believe that all of those stories about Ignatieff and Duceppe having to shift gears to combat Layton’s performance didn’t have an impact on today’s polling?
There are a few things which are beginning to crystallize for me today. The first is that the national media has way too much influence in our democratic electoral process. The hype around the Leader’s debates, and the exclusion of a political party running candidates in just about every riding (made by faceless star-chamber oligarchs…and no, I’m not being over-dramatic) has had a significant impact on voting intention. Canadians need to know about candidates and political parties before casting their ballots, yet our national media has clearly not wanted to provide Canadians with an opportunity to find out more about the Green Party. I can’t help but wonder why that might be. Knowing the policies of the Green Party in the way that I do, I can’t help but think that maybe there’s something in those policies which might upset the corporate elite owners of much of our national newsmedia.
The other thing that I’ve learned is that former Prime Minister Kim Campbell was right when she suggested that elections were no time to discuss policy (I’m paraphrasing here, obviously). Being a member of a political party which relies heavily on policy as a means of gaining public support, it’s clear to me that if the Green Party is going to experience much in the way of success in any election, we’re going to need to think about becoming more like the NDP, Liberals and Conservatives. Which is problematic, because the Green Party is kind of the antithesis of a political party. We pride ourselves on being unlike the other parties.
Clearly, though, the NDP’s surge is pointing the way to success in Canadian politics (at least in a first-past-the-post electoral environment). Greens need more glitz and glam. And then we need to figure out a way to get ourselves noticed. Wow. And how much did writing those two sentences remind me of how I felt getting ready to attend a Grade 8 dance?
But since politics today seems to be more about popularity, perhaps getting ready for a Grade 8 dance is exactly what we need to be planning for. Let’s head into an election looking our best, surrounded by our friends, and on the look out for more. When the music starts, rather than standing against the wall, engaging in conversation with other wonks like ourselves, we’ll need to strut our stuff on the dance floor. And when the journalism class comes to take our pictures, we’ll have to make sure that we pose just right, for even though we stumbled our moves a dozen times on the floor already, that one picture in tomorrow’s student paper is what is going to make or break us. How many phone numbers will we get then?
Jack Layton and the NDP have just went through all of that, and on May the 2nd, they might be in receipt of a lot of new phone numbers. Elizabeth May has been doing all that she can to get noticed by the journalism student with the camera. Her moves on the dance floor are way better than anyone’s. But she must have done something to tick off the camera man, because no matter the moves, the coverage just isn’t coming.
And the last thing that I’ve realized is that the Green Party just can’t be successful in that kind of circumstance, because that’s just not who we are. We’re not glitz over substance, and we never can be. So we’ll need to figure out another way to promote ourselves. The only other way that I can think of is by spreading our message, slowly but steadily, to one voter at a time.
We’ve been paying far too much attention to trying to get the media on our side to do the communications job for us. Guess what? They’re not interested. So that means that we Green volunteers need to invest the time and energy into the slow and steady task of recruitment and messaging. We’re going to need help from the Party. Yes, we can use social media tools to help us out (and we absolutely have to). More than that, though, the Party is going to have to invest time and energy back into good old-fashioned organizing.
We’ll never beat the other parties at their game of spin and confusion. But I believe today’s developments with the NDP are a good thing, because I very much want to take Jack Layton at his word when it comes to proportional representation. If a few more NDP MP’s in the House actually end up pushing for proportional representation, maybe as one of the items on which a minority government might have to concede if confidence is to be bestowed, all the better. When we have an electoral system in which every vote truly counts, that will be so much better for all NDP and Green supporters.
So don’t set your bar for co-operation with the Liberals and Conservatives too low, Mr. Layton. You might have a significant, if unexpected, opportunity to influence public policy to a degree you’d not dare imagine. Don’t let Canadians down.
(Opinions expressed in this blog are my own, and should not be interpreted as being consistent with those of the Green Party of Canada)
This wasn’t in anybody’s game plan.
The NDP had a solid, if uninspiring, start to the election campaign. In the first few weeks, however, media interest in Layton began to wane, as the election fell into a media-driven faux campaign, with issues left behind in the dust in preference to stories about the election itself. Even today, it remains difficult for those who want to talk about issues to get much in the way of face time with the media. Clearly, election campaigns have degenerated into spectacle-driven popularity contests.
And in such a contest, the unexpected appears to have happened. In both the English and French language leader’s debate, Jack Layton was perceived as the individual winner. This had more to do with his image than his policies; presentation again trumped substance.
This doesn’t really surprise me. Layton is a popular and likable man, and the NDP certainly knows how to play it to the camera. If they spent as much time working on fully-costed policies as they do on promoting themselves through the media, it might be a Party that I could get a little more excited about. But I certainly can’t deny that when it comes to glitz and glam, the NDP has always outperformed.
This is Jack Layton’s moment, and although I think that the surge is surprising him and the NDP handlers just as much as it’s surprising the media, this is exactly with the NDP have been hoping would happen (although not in their wildest dreams did they ever think that a breakthrough in Quebec would be leading the way).
Apparently, in Quebec, they’re talking about the “Jack-istes” today, in reference to young, urban, francophone NDP supporters. We’ll have to see if those supporters translate into votes at the ballot box, however, as this age demographic has a bit of a reputation for staying at home (or more precisely, at the office or at the study hall) on election day, whereas the Bloc can count on solid support from an older demographic that enjoys casting a ballot, and indeed who still believe it’s their civic duty to do so.
Good for the NDP, I say. I expect that their “dancing with the stars” moment will continue for the duration of the election. We could be witnessing a sea-change in Canadian politics here, folks, one which no one predicted.
Of course, as the NDP moves ahead of the Liberals in voter intention, it’s quite possible that this will lead directly to a false majority Conservative government situation, as heretofore “hopeless” NDP candidates in lost ridings begin to appear to be viable to voters. This last quarter surge in popularity is certainly going to play havoc with those online strategic voting sites, that’s for sure. And I say good to that too, as I’ve always been opposed to the concept of strategic voting. If we end up with a false majority Conservative government, that’s the way it goes. It will be yet more ammunition to ditch our antiquated first-past-the-post electoral system. It might even convince the NDP that they need to actually do something about it, rather than just talk about it.
A late NDP surge isn’t good for the Green Party, that’s for sure. It will more than likely lead to an increasing number of undecided voters to hop on Jack’s bandwagon. That’s really too bad for us, given that the NDP’s policies are often in direct contradiction to many of the things for which the Green Party stands, including the need to take serious action on fighting climate change.
Sure, in one breath, the NDP says that they want to do more to reduce emissions. In the next breath, they’re talking about cutting taxes on fossil fuels which heat homes and regulating gas prices at the pump. They just don’t get it. Rather than providing hard-working people with real choices about how best to spend their money and putting a firm, easily predictable price on carbon, the NDP (along with the Liberals and the Bloc I hasten to add) seems to want to line the pockets of bankers and traders by imposing an emissions trading scheme on Canadian corporations.
But when Jack Layton says that he’ll stand up to the oil companies on behalf of hard working families and the environment, he just sounds so gosh-darn convincing, doesn’t he?
There’s no denying that Layton had a good couple of debates, although it wasn’t at all clear to me that he “won” either of them. What I can’t help but lament is how different all of this might have turned out for the Green Party had Canadians been given the opportunity to hear from Elizabeth May about the Green’s plans for Canada. While I couldn’t in my wildest dreams think that May’s participation in the Leader’s debates might have driven our Party’s support above the Bloc’s in Quebec, I’m equally sure that the NDP pundits never had such dreams either before this election’s debates.
While we’re clearly starting to stray from the script provided by the media for this election, there remains no doubt in my mind that the election itself continues to be influenced to a significant degree by the media. In a campaign where style trumps substance every time, a Party that can put on the ritz and glitz is going to shine, given the opportunity to do so. The NDP have been masters at doing so, with Jack Layton playing the role of the charming, urbane rabble-rouser. After the Leader’s debates, the media handed him the opportunity to shine, and that’s what he’s done. Or do you believe that all of those stories about Ignatieff and Duceppe having to shift gears to combat Layton’s performance didn’t have an impact on today’s polling?
There are a few things which are beginning to crystallize for me today. The first is that the national media has way too much influence in our democratic electoral process. The hype around the Leader’s debates, and the exclusion of a political party running candidates in just about every riding (made by faceless star-chamber oligarchs…and no, I’m not being over-dramatic) has had a significant impact on voting intention. Canadians need to know about candidates and political parties before casting their ballots, yet our national media has clearly not wanted to provide Canadians with an opportunity to find out more about the Green Party. I can’t help but wonder why that might be. Knowing the policies of the Green Party in the way that I do, I can’t help but think that maybe there’s something in those policies which might upset the corporate elite owners of much of our national newsmedia.
The other thing that I’ve learned is that former Prime Minister Kim Campbell was right when she suggested that elections were no time to discuss policy (I’m paraphrasing here, obviously). Being a member of a political party which relies heavily on policy as a means of gaining public support, it’s clear to me that if the Green Party is going to experience much in the way of success in any election, we’re going to need to think about becoming more like the NDP, Liberals and Conservatives. Which is problematic, because the Green Party is kind of the antithesis of a political party. We pride ourselves on being unlike the other parties.
Clearly, though, the NDP’s surge is pointing the way to success in Canadian politics (at least in a first-past-the-post electoral environment). Greens need more glitz and glam. And then we need to figure out a way to get ourselves noticed. Wow. And how much did writing those two sentences remind me of how I felt getting ready to attend a Grade 8 dance?
But since politics today seems to be more about popularity, perhaps getting ready for a Grade 8 dance is exactly what we need to be planning for. Let’s head into an election looking our best, surrounded by our friends, and on the look out for more. When the music starts, rather than standing against the wall, engaging in conversation with other wonks like ourselves, we’ll need to strut our stuff on the dance floor. And when the journalism class comes to take our pictures, we’ll have to make sure that we pose just right, for even though we stumbled our moves a dozen times on the floor already, that one picture in tomorrow’s student paper is what is going to make or break us. How many phone numbers will we get then?
Jack Layton and the NDP have just went through all of that, and on May the 2nd, they might be in receipt of a lot of new phone numbers. Elizabeth May has been doing all that she can to get noticed by the journalism student with the camera. Her moves on the dance floor are way better than anyone’s. But she must have done something to tick off the camera man, because no matter the moves, the coverage just isn’t coming.
And the last thing that I’ve realized is that the Green Party just can’t be successful in that kind of circumstance, because that’s just not who we are. We’re not glitz over substance, and we never can be. So we’ll need to figure out another way to promote ourselves. The only other way that I can think of is by spreading our message, slowly but steadily, to one voter at a time.
We’ve been paying far too much attention to trying to get the media on our side to do the communications job for us. Guess what? They’re not interested. So that means that we Green volunteers need to invest the time and energy into the slow and steady task of recruitment and messaging. We’re going to need help from the Party. Yes, we can use social media tools to help us out (and we absolutely have to). More than that, though, the Party is going to have to invest time and energy back into good old-fashioned organizing.
We’ll never beat the other parties at their game of spin and confusion. But I believe today’s developments with the NDP are a good thing, because I very much want to take Jack Layton at his word when it comes to proportional representation. If a few more NDP MP’s in the House actually end up pushing for proportional representation, maybe as one of the items on which a minority government might have to concede if confidence is to be bestowed, all the better. When we have an electoral system in which every vote truly counts, that will be so much better for all NDP and Green supporters.
So don’t set your bar for co-operation with the Liberals and Conservatives too low, Mr. Layton. You might have a significant, if unexpected, opportunity to influence public policy to a degree you’d not dare imagine. Don’t let Canadians down.
(Opinions expressed in this blog are my own, and should not be interpreted as being consistent with those of the Green Party of Canada)
Tuesday, April 12, 2011
Conservatives Left Twisting in the Wind by Media on G8/G20
Talk about media-driven election stories. Yesterday, Joan Bryden of the Canadian Press wrote about what was contained in a draft report from Auditor-General Sheila Fraser about spending on the G8/G20 summit. This January draft of the AG’s report was shared with Bryden by an opposition supporter.
The story created sparks almost immediately, over the notion that Parliament might have been misled by spending to the tune of $50 million which was ear-marked for Conservative Minister Tony Clement’s Parry Sound-Muskoka riding. Apparently, this money has been allocated by parliament as part of a larger offering to help with border improvements. Further, the draft report seen by Bryden alleges that decisions to allocate funds to particular projects were made by Clement in consultation with the Mayor of Huntsville and the owner of Deerhurst resort, and that this might have been illegal.
Well, needless to say, Bryden’s was the story of the day, arriving like a hand-grenade in the midst of the Conservative campaign. It certainly appeared that the AG was painting a very problematic picture of the Conservative government’s actions. John Baird had to take to the airwaves in an effort to calm the outrage which began seeping through the media and the other parties. Baird claimed that he had seen a later draft, and that in the draft of the report he saw, there was no mention of misleading parliament.
Later, Sheila Fraser herself urged Canadians to be cautious about a leaked draft report, and to reserve judgement until the final version of the report could be tabled with parliament.
All parties yesterday were calling on the Auditor-General to release her report, but Sheila Fraser was clear that there is currently no mechanism in the legislation under which her office operates that would allow her to do so. And that really should come as no surprise to Canadians, as the Opposition Parties had been demanding the release of this report for some time, and the Conservatives have (quite rightly) pointed out that since the AG reports to parliament, Canadians will have to wait until parliament is sitting again before the report is made public (which actually makes their call to the AG yesterday to release the report quite disingenuous, and very hypocritical).
Today, media outlets such as the Globe & Mail are calling for the release of the report, and Constitutional experts are chipping in that maybe the Speaker of the House has some kind of authority to either compel the release of the report or simply provide the public with a copy itself. And of course, we’ve seen leaks now of later versions of the report.
Lost in all of the calls being made to the Auditor General now are a couple of really important matters which have everything to do with our democratic institutions. First off, the Auditor General has made it clear that she believes that there is no legal way for her to make the final version of the report public until such a time that Parliament is sitting again. The Auditor-General reports to Parliament; she does not answer to the Prime Minister or cabinet, or the leaders of Opposition parties. She certainly doesn’t answer to the media, and she answers to Canadians only through parliament. Why are so many voices so very quick now to call for our Auditor General to break the law, and to abandon the paramount relationship that she has with Parliament?
If Fraser decides that it really isn’t important that she provide this report to Parliament right now, because of the current crisis, what about the next time there is controversy with a report? If she compromises her reporting relationship to Parliament now, how will we be able to ensure that she won’t do so again in the future? Given that the Auditor-General’s role is non-partisan and exempt from political interference, why do Canadians want to see this position diminished? The short term gains of finding out what, exactly, is in the final version of her report do not justify the long-term risks associated with politicizing the office of the Auditor General.
Secondly, what on earth is going on with our media, who have been the most active drivers of this entire election campaign? Joan Bryden ought to have known the hornet’s nest that these allegations would stir up for the Conservative Party. And really, she ought to have known that her story on this leaked early draft of the AG’s report would leave the Conservatives in a vulnerable position, given that there really is no way for the Cons to justify or deny this accusation – because the accusation itself might actually not have ever been made. Indeed, if Baird and accounts emerging today about later drafts are to be believed, the notion that the Conservatives “misled” Parliament about procurement have not been carried forward in subsequent drafts.
The fact that the Conservatives poured money into Clement’s riding for questionable G8/G20 projects has been known for a long while. That the money might not have ended up there in the most transparent way possible is very problematic. The twist to this story added yesterday had to do with misleading Parliament and potential illegal actions of a Minister of the Crown. But this was all based on an excerpt from an early draft. With there being no mechanism for the release of the final draft until after the election, the Conservatives have been put in a very awkward and unfortunate position, on the eve of the televised Leader’s debate no less.
I really have to question what Bryden was trying to accomplish here. Look, I don’t think it’s any secret that I don’t have much love for the Conservative Party, but what happened yesterday wasn’t right. Did the Conservatives pork-barrel spending to Parry Sound-Muskoka? Absolutely, but again, there's nothing new there. The whole G8/G20 was an unbridled fiasco, in my opinion. But yesterday's accusations of misleading parliament and doing something "possibly illegal" will stick to the Conservatives now, even though they might not actually be true, or only partly true. What is known is that we just can’t know what the truth is until Fraser tables her final report.
This whole episode smells of political opportunism on the part of…well, somebody. Maybe one of the Opposition parties. But maybe not. Maybe it’s just political opportunism on the part of the media, who were out to create the latest news story of the election. Either way, though, this story has placed the Conservatives in a very awkward situation, where they can neither confirm or deny the accusations being made against them, because the only place where the truth of the whole matter lies is in a report which Parliament and Canadians can’t see until after the election.
Joan Bryden and the Canadian Press should have realized that their piece about a leaked early-version of the A-G’s report would put the Conservatives in this sort of bind. Since it wasn’t clear at all whether what was reported was in any way what is in the mind of the Auditor General, what good did it do to reveal this to Canadians? The only good that I can think of is to make the Conservatives look bad. And that is simply political opportunism.
We cried foul when the RCMP interfered in the 2006 election when the NDP released a letter to the media saying that Liberals were being investigated for releasing details of the budget. Really, what happened yesterday is no different, as this latest intervention has left one Party unable to confirm or deny much of anything. It wasn’t right in 2006 and it’s not right now.
What was reported yesterday wasn’t news. It was politically opportunistic innuendo, which used the Office of the Auditor General as a political prop.
Canadians should be concerned about the level of influence which the media is having in this election. Rather than simply reporting on the news, the media appears to be going out of its way to make the news during this election. It is to the detriment of our democracy that these circumstances appear to be pervasive.
The story created sparks almost immediately, over the notion that Parliament might have been misled by spending to the tune of $50 million which was ear-marked for Conservative Minister Tony Clement’s Parry Sound-Muskoka riding. Apparently, this money has been allocated by parliament as part of a larger offering to help with border improvements. Further, the draft report seen by Bryden alleges that decisions to allocate funds to particular projects were made by Clement in consultation with the Mayor of Huntsville and the owner of Deerhurst resort, and that this might have been illegal.
Well, needless to say, Bryden’s was the story of the day, arriving like a hand-grenade in the midst of the Conservative campaign. It certainly appeared that the AG was painting a very problematic picture of the Conservative government’s actions. John Baird had to take to the airwaves in an effort to calm the outrage which began seeping through the media and the other parties. Baird claimed that he had seen a later draft, and that in the draft of the report he saw, there was no mention of misleading parliament.
Later, Sheila Fraser herself urged Canadians to be cautious about a leaked draft report, and to reserve judgement until the final version of the report could be tabled with parliament.
All parties yesterday were calling on the Auditor-General to release her report, but Sheila Fraser was clear that there is currently no mechanism in the legislation under which her office operates that would allow her to do so. And that really should come as no surprise to Canadians, as the Opposition Parties had been demanding the release of this report for some time, and the Conservatives have (quite rightly) pointed out that since the AG reports to parliament, Canadians will have to wait until parliament is sitting again before the report is made public (which actually makes their call to the AG yesterday to release the report quite disingenuous, and very hypocritical).
Today, media outlets such as the Globe & Mail are calling for the release of the report, and Constitutional experts are chipping in that maybe the Speaker of the House has some kind of authority to either compel the release of the report or simply provide the public with a copy itself. And of course, we’ve seen leaks now of later versions of the report.
Lost in all of the calls being made to the Auditor General now are a couple of really important matters which have everything to do with our democratic institutions. First off, the Auditor General has made it clear that she believes that there is no legal way for her to make the final version of the report public until such a time that Parliament is sitting again. The Auditor-General reports to Parliament; she does not answer to the Prime Minister or cabinet, or the leaders of Opposition parties. She certainly doesn’t answer to the media, and she answers to Canadians only through parliament. Why are so many voices so very quick now to call for our Auditor General to break the law, and to abandon the paramount relationship that she has with Parliament?
If Fraser decides that it really isn’t important that she provide this report to Parliament right now, because of the current crisis, what about the next time there is controversy with a report? If she compromises her reporting relationship to Parliament now, how will we be able to ensure that she won’t do so again in the future? Given that the Auditor-General’s role is non-partisan and exempt from political interference, why do Canadians want to see this position diminished? The short term gains of finding out what, exactly, is in the final version of her report do not justify the long-term risks associated with politicizing the office of the Auditor General.
Secondly, what on earth is going on with our media, who have been the most active drivers of this entire election campaign? Joan Bryden ought to have known the hornet’s nest that these allegations would stir up for the Conservative Party. And really, she ought to have known that her story on this leaked early draft of the AG’s report would leave the Conservatives in a vulnerable position, given that there really is no way for the Cons to justify or deny this accusation – because the accusation itself might actually not have ever been made. Indeed, if Baird and accounts emerging today about later drafts are to be believed, the notion that the Conservatives “misled” Parliament about procurement have not been carried forward in subsequent drafts.
The fact that the Conservatives poured money into Clement’s riding for questionable G8/G20 projects has been known for a long while. That the money might not have ended up there in the most transparent way possible is very problematic. The twist to this story added yesterday had to do with misleading Parliament and potential illegal actions of a Minister of the Crown. But this was all based on an excerpt from an early draft. With there being no mechanism for the release of the final draft until after the election, the Conservatives have been put in a very awkward and unfortunate position, on the eve of the televised Leader’s debate no less.
I really have to question what Bryden was trying to accomplish here. Look, I don’t think it’s any secret that I don’t have much love for the Conservative Party, but what happened yesterday wasn’t right. Did the Conservatives pork-barrel spending to Parry Sound-Muskoka? Absolutely, but again, there's nothing new there. The whole G8/G20 was an unbridled fiasco, in my opinion. But yesterday's accusations of misleading parliament and doing something "possibly illegal" will stick to the Conservatives now, even though they might not actually be true, or only partly true. What is known is that we just can’t know what the truth is until Fraser tables her final report.
This whole episode smells of political opportunism on the part of…well, somebody. Maybe one of the Opposition parties. But maybe not. Maybe it’s just political opportunism on the part of the media, who were out to create the latest news story of the election. Either way, though, this story has placed the Conservatives in a very awkward situation, where they can neither confirm or deny the accusations being made against them, because the only place where the truth of the whole matter lies is in a report which Parliament and Canadians can’t see until after the election.
Joan Bryden and the Canadian Press should have realized that their piece about a leaked early-version of the A-G’s report would put the Conservatives in this sort of bind. Since it wasn’t clear at all whether what was reported was in any way what is in the mind of the Auditor General, what good did it do to reveal this to Canadians? The only good that I can think of is to make the Conservatives look bad. And that is simply political opportunism.
We cried foul when the RCMP interfered in the 2006 election when the NDP released a letter to the media saying that Liberals were being investigated for releasing details of the budget. Really, what happened yesterday is no different, as this latest intervention has left one Party unable to confirm or deny much of anything. It wasn’t right in 2006 and it’s not right now.
What was reported yesterday wasn’t news. It was politically opportunistic innuendo, which used the Office of the Auditor General as a political prop.
Canadians should be concerned about the level of influence which the media is having in this election. Rather than simply reporting on the news, the media appears to be going out of its way to make the news during this election. It is to the detriment of our democracy that these circumstances appear to be pervasive.
Canadians Deserve Better From the Fourth Estate
I’ve been troubled by the mainstream media’s coverage of the 41st General Election so far, and by all accounts, it isn’t going to improve. Specifically, my concerns relate to the media managing, and creating, the messages being conveyed to the electorate in such a way that Party Leaders and policies have become a prop in the media’s own Campaign Story. While this isn’t new, it seems that in this election, the media’s role has been more important than that of the political parties.
When the media itself is making the headlines during an election, that doesn’t bode well for democracy.
Nobody Cares
The media have been telling the story, since Day 1 of the election, that this election isn’t really about anything, and that no one really wants the election. Contrast this message to that of the Liberals and the NDP, who want Canadians to believe that this election is happening because of the Harper government’s contempt for parliament. And contrast the media’s message against that of the Conservative Party’s, which has been to offer voters a choice between a Harper government or a coalition government, while telling voters that this election shouldn’t be happening. Neither Party is suggesting that Canadians shouldn’t care about the election (or that they don’t care, which is subtly different). Why, then, is the media reporting that Canadians “don’t care” again and again and again?
I’m sure the media will say, “Well, that’s the story; Canadians don’t really care. And we’ve got the anecdotes to prove it.” I’ve commented on this before, and wondered aloud about how many voters might remark to the media that they really do care about an election, but when they do so, the clips just never make it to air, because it doesn’t support the media’s narrative. I would suggest that, based on all of the polls released daily which show voters support for the various political parties (and which usually do not report on “undecideds” or on how many have said that they will not be voting), that instead of apathy about the election, the real story is that Canadians are engaged enough to be able to be able to identify with a political party which they would like to support.
The problem with the media’s message that no one cares about the election is that it hasn’t been supported by the facts (at least that I’m aware of). Yes, I guess it makes compelling copy, but is it for real?
A supplementary question, which might not be relevant for the media: how does coverage of this nature assist Canadians with making the very important decision of who to vote for in the election? Keep that question in mind throughout this post.
Top Stories
What have some of the top stories of this election been so far? Have we seen much in the way of hard-hitting analysis of the party’s promises, policies and platforms? To be sure, we’ve seen some of that, but in terms of keeping this kind of analysis in front of the public for more than a day, it seems that news about policy is stale by the next day. Who really remembers, for example, what the Liberals really promised about Education, or what the Conservatives had to say about income splitting? Clearly, policy stories haven’t been “tops” in this election.
What’s been driving election coverage for the better part of the campaign have been the following stories (beyond the voter apathy story):
The Debate About the Debates
The decision of the media consortium to exclude Green Party Leader Elizabeth May from the televised debates was the starting point for this story, which then seemed to take off in a few other directions. A lot of space has been taken up during this campaign to analyze who the media consortium is, and how we might be able to develop criteria to establish an entry level into the debates for next time. Opinions regarding whether May should or should not be there have been expressed, and discussions have been had about debate formats, including Stephen Harper’s infamous challenge to Michael Ignatieff for a one-on-one, which Harper retracted the following day.
This week, we’ve seen all sorts of things about how Leaders prepare for the debates, about whether to go for a knock-out punch, and about the need to practice ju-jitsu to fend off an opponent’s attack. We’ve heard about how important the debates are in the electoral process, but not important enough to make Canadians decide between watching them or a Habs game. And we’ve been subjected, time and again, to watching Brian Mulroney tell John Turner that he had a choice.
How does any of this help Canadians decide who to cast their ballots for on May 2nd?
Vote Compass
CBC’s on-line voter aid, Vote Compass, gathered a lot of press in the first week of the campaign, and as a story, it hasn’t completely gone away yet. Vote Compass was unveiled as a means of assisting voters in identifying the Party which would most represent their interests. Pretty quickly, it came under attack by other media organizations (notably Sun media) for a “Liberal Party” bias. Greens, too, have been decrying Vote Compass as actually misrepresenting the policies of the Green Party.
Stephen Harper’s Bubble Campaign
The media have really piled on Stephen Harper for his decision to take only 5 questions a day. This has led the media to claim that Harper is campaigning inside of a very stage-managed bubble, and have done all that they can to justify the claim. As a result, we’ve heard from students who have been turned away from Conservative rallies because they have Facebook photos where they have posed with other Leaders, or because they are part of a University’s Environmental Club. In some cases, the media has contrasted Harper’s closed-door approach to that of Michael Ignatieff, or they have supplemented the story with images of students who are trying to tell Harper that student votes matter.
Michael Ignatieff Doing Better than Expected
And the news media, of course, have been all over the story that, wow, look at Michael Ignatieff go…that he’s not nearly as bad on the campaign trail as he is in…real life? Parliament? Anywhere else? Given that the media has been predicting for years that Ignatieff will excel on the campaign trail, this story has come as little surprise to anyone.
Analysis
None of these “top stories” really tell anybody much about anything at all about the similarities and differences of those running for office, or what their points of view about the issues are. These “top stories” have defined the election to date, which is a sad commentary, given that they say nothing much about anything.
One story which has started to creep into the media is that voters really want to hear about issues. I think this came from today’s NANOS poll (and I’m not going to go on about polls today). If Canadians are so hungry to hear about the issues, can we expect the focus of the media to begin shifting over the last couple of weeks of the election? I’m not optimistic at all, because I believe that the media has a narrative which it will continue to pursue, unless something from outside of the election comes up.
Fact is, the only meaningful discussion that Canadians are likely to see about the issues in this election will be in the two televised debates. Of course, this discussion will be unfiltered, and as such, it will be filled with the spin of the 4 parties present (and missing the contribution of Canada’s 5th Party, whose Leader was excluded by the broadcast consortium with the notion in mind that she wouldn’t have anything to contribute which Canadians would want to hear about). It’s almost guaranteed that the media will focus on the insubstantial elements of the debates, such as a knock-out, or who held their own, or discussions about power-ties or the best zingers. Unless one of the Leaders uses this opportunity to make a bold policy announcement (and none will), you can bet that the substance of the debates will be forgotten after a few days, while the zingers keep playing until May 2nd.
And the media narrative will continue. The election will become a two-horse race, between a surging Michael Ignatieff and a slipping Stephen Harper who is trying to hold onto his support with an iron grip. The NDP will continue to be sidelined (even if the polls continue to show the same level of support), and the Green Party will have been forgotten, just as the Bloc is outside of Quebec.
And on May 2nd, it will be Harper’s election to lose. Whether a Conservative Majority or Minority is the outcome, we won’t know until the last ridings in B.C. report in. And wow…won’t that make for gripping television?
Canadians might not ever really find out what the different parties really stand for. Instead, we’ve been cast adrift in a sea which is all surface and no depth.
We know that the media can do better during an election. Why, then, has it come to this, when so much which is important is on truly on the line?
(Opinions expressed in this blog are my own, and should not be interpreted as being consistent with those of the Green Party of Canada)
When the media itself is making the headlines during an election, that doesn’t bode well for democracy.
Nobody Cares
The media have been telling the story, since Day 1 of the election, that this election isn’t really about anything, and that no one really wants the election. Contrast this message to that of the Liberals and the NDP, who want Canadians to believe that this election is happening because of the Harper government’s contempt for parliament. And contrast the media’s message against that of the Conservative Party’s, which has been to offer voters a choice between a Harper government or a coalition government, while telling voters that this election shouldn’t be happening. Neither Party is suggesting that Canadians shouldn’t care about the election (or that they don’t care, which is subtly different). Why, then, is the media reporting that Canadians “don’t care” again and again and again?
I’m sure the media will say, “Well, that’s the story; Canadians don’t really care. And we’ve got the anecdotes to prove it.” I’ve commented on this before, and wondered aloud about how many voters might remark to the media that they really do care about an election, but when they do so, the clips just never make it to air, because it doesn’t support the media’s narrative. I would suggest that, based on all of the polls released daily which show voters support for the various political parties (and which usually do not report on “undecideds” or on how many have said that they will not be voting), that instead of apathy about the election, the real story is that Canadians are engaged enough to be able to be able to identify with a political party which they would like to support.
The problem with the media’s message that no one cares about the election is that it hasn’t been supported by the facts (at least that I’m aware of). Yes, I guess it makes compelling copy, but is it for real?
A supplementary question, which might not be relevant for the media: how does coverage of this nature assist Canadians with making the very important decision of who to vote for in the election? Keep that question in mind throughout this post.
Top Stories
What have some of the top stories of this election been so far? Have we seen much in the way of hard-hitting analysis of the party’s promises, policies and platforms? To be sure, we’ve seen some of that, but in terms of keeping this kind of analysis in front of the public for more than a day, it seems that news about policy is stale by the next day. Who really remembers, for example, what the Liberals really promised about Education, or what the Conservatives had to say about income splitting? Clearly, policy stories haven’t been “tops” in this election.
What’s been driving election coverage for the better part of the campaign have been the following stories (beyond the voter apathy story):
The Debate About the Debates
The decision of the media consortium to exclude Green Party Leader Elizabeth May from the televised debates was the starting point for this story, which then seemed to take off in a few other directions. A lot of space has been taken up during this campaign to analyze who the media consortium is, and how we might be able to develop criteria to establish an entry level into the debates for next time. Opinions regarding whether May should or should not be there have been expressed, and discussions have been had about debate formats, including Stephen Harper’s infamous challenge to Michael Ignatieff for a one-on-one, which Harper retracted the following day.
This week, we’ve seen all sorts of things about how Leaders prepare for the debates, about whether to go for a knock-out punch, and about the need to practice ju-jitsu to fend off an opponent’s attack. We’ve heard about how important the debates are in the electoral process, but not important enough to make Canadians decide between watching them or a Habs game. And we’ve been subjected, time and again, to watching Brian Mulroney tell John Turner that he had a choice.
How does any of this help Canadians decide who to cast their ballots for on May 2nd?
Vote Compass
CBC’s on-line voter aid, Vote Compass, gathered a lot of press in the first week of the campaign, and as a story, it hasn’t completely gone away yet. Vote Compass was unveiled as a means of assisting voters in identifying the Party which would most represent their interests. Pretty quickly, it came under attack by other media organizations (notably Sun media) for a “Liberal Party” bias. Greens, too, have been decrying Vote Compass as actually misrepresenting the policies of the Green Party.
Stephen Harper’s Bubble Campaign
The media have really piled on Stephen Harper for his decision to take only 5 questions a day. This has led the media to claim that Harper is campaigning inside of a very stage-managed bubble, and have done all that they can to justify the claim. As a result, we’ve heard from students who have been turned away from Conservative rallies because they have Facebook photos where they have posed with other Leaders, or because they are part of a University’s Environmental Club. In some cases, the media has contrasted Harper’s closed-door approach to that of Michael Ignatieff, or they have supplemented the story with images of students who are trying to tell Harper that student votes matter.
Michael Ignatieff Doing Better than Expected
And the news media, of course, have been all over the story that, wow, look at Michael Ignatieff go…that he’s not nearly as bad on the campaign trail as he is in…real life? Parliament? Anywhere else? Given that the media has been predicting for years that Ignatieff will excel on the campaign trail, this story has come as little surprise to anyone.
Analysis
None of these “top stories” really tell anybody much about anything at all about the similarities and differences of those running for office, or what their points of view about the issues are. These “top stories” have defined the election to date, which is a sad commentary, given that they say nothing much about anything.
One story which has started to creep into the media is that voters really want to hear about issues. I think this came from today’s NANOS poll (and I’m not going to go on about polls today). If Canadians are so hungry to hear about the issues, can we expect the focus of the media to begin shifting over the last couple of weeks of the election? I’m not optimistic at all, because I believe that the media has a narrative which it will continue to pursue, unless something from outside of the election comes up.
Fact is, the only meaningful discussion that Canadians are likely to see about the issues in this election will be in the two televised debates. Of course, this discussion will be unfiltered, and as such, it will be filled with the spin of the 4 parties present (and missing the contribution of Canada’s 5th Party, whose Leader was excluded by the broadcast consortium with the notion in mind that she wouldn’t have anything to contribute which Canadians would want to hear about). It’s almost guaranteed that the media will focus on the insubstantial elements of the debates, such as a knock-out, or who held their own, or discussions about power-ties or the best zingers. Unless one of the Leaders uses this opportunity to make a bold policy announcement (and none will), you can bet that the substance of the debates will be forgotten after a few days, while the zingers keep playing until May 2nd.
And the media narrative will continue. The election will become a two-horse race, between a surging Michael Ignatieff and a slipping Stephen Harper who is trying to hold onto his support with an iron grip. The NDP will continue to be sidelined (even if the polls continue to show the same level of support), and the Green Party will have been forgotten, just as the Bloc is outside of Quebec.
And on May 2nd, it will be Harper’s election to lose. Whether a Conservative Majority or Minority is the outcome, we won’t know until the last ridings in B.C. report in. And wow…won’t that make for gripping television?
Canadians might not ever really find out what the different parties really stand for. Instead, we’ve been cast adrift in a sea which is all surface and no depth.
We know that the media can do better during an election. Why, then, has it come to this, when so much which is important is on truly on the line?
(Opinions expressed in this blog are my own, and should not be interpreted as being consistent with those of the Green Party of Canada)
Tuesday, April 5, 2011
There's Something Happening Here in Greater Sudbury's Downtown
There's something happening here in Greater Sudbury. What it is ain't exactly clear. Well, actually it is pretty clear, and it's exciting, and even though I should be writing about the federal election, I just feel the need to share a recent experience that I had at Tom Davies Square.
Tonight, I witnessed something truly wonderful and miraculous at the City of Greater Sudbury's planning committee meeting. On tonight's agenda was the approval of a request to rezone lands owned by Centennial Enterprises Inc., on the fringe of the City's downtown (Brady and Paris, roughly), to permit high density development. Specifically, zoning permission was requested which would see three 17-storey apartment buildings constructed on a prominent hill top, overlooking City Hall.
The development proposal itself might come as no surprise to anyone living in Ontario. Other communities have been asked to integrate higher-density dwellings into the existing urban fabric. Cities such as Oakville and Brampton, however, have struggled with getting things right. And residents who live in proximity to where the intensified development is going to locate have often found themselves in front of the Ontario Municipal Board, pleading their case to not allow their neighbourhoods to be destroyed.
But here in Greater Sudbury, none of that happened. Instead, planning committee was treated to a number of speakers who politely demanded that the City approve this development proposal, in an effort to begin the process of revitalizing our downtown core. And planning committee easily made the decision to give this proposal the nod.
Bryan Wolofsky, the developer, spoke passionately about the need for the City to offer more opportunities for downtown living. He said that the towers on the hill would be a prominent feature of the Sudbury skyline, and that's in party why this location was chosen for high-density development. That and the fact that it is right adjacent to the downtown core, and within walking distance of 11 transit stops, including the City's transit terminal.
The process which this proposal went through to arrive at where it did tonight wasn't a fast one. Area residents had initially expressed some concerns regarding the scale of the development, massing on the site, and concerns about traffic. These concerns were valid. This development proposal really will alter the character of the existing neighbourhood.
The developer demonstrated that over the months since the application was made to the City, that he had been working to address these concerns where possible. The number of units dropped from 1,000 to 800, as a result of removing one apartment block from the plan. Internal roadways were re-routed away from the lot lines of existing low-density lots. And concerns about access were in part addressed by providing opportunities for multiple vehicular and pedestrian access points from different parts of the site (including the provision for a pedestrian elevator or escalator, to assist with moving foot traffic up and down the cliff-face along Brady Street).
Tonight, the City's planning committee made a decision which is going to start changing everything. It was a bold, and progressive decision, made easier by a developer who clearly has the interests of the community in mind, and who engaged in an open process to work with residents, rather than against them.
The City is currently in the process of finalizing the Downtown Master Plan, which will be calling for more residential development in the City's core. Adding 800 small apartment units, fit for singles, young families and seniors, will go a long way to meeting this goal. A safe and vibrant downtown is a downtown which is used throughout the day and evening, where a healthy mix of commercial and residential uses co-exist side-by-side (or better yet, on top of one another!)
Greater Sudbury's downtown is slowly resurrecting itself, and in the process, it is defining itself as the go-to part of the City for central office locations, boutique retail, excellent cuisine, and a vibrant walkable nightlife. With tonight's decision to permit high-density living in the downtown, the core is sure to become the place for Sudbury's creative class to want to live, work and play.
There's something happening here in Greater Sudbury's downtown. And it's just great!
Tonight, I witnessed something truly wonderful and miraculous at the City of Greater Sudbury's planning committee meeting. On tonight's agenda was the approval of a request to rezone lands owned by Centennial Enterprises Inc., on the fringe of the City's downtown (Brady and Paris, roughly), to permit high density development. Specifically, zoning permission was requested which would see three 17-storey apartment buildings constructed on a prominent hill top, overlooking City Hall.
The development proposal itself might come as no surprise to anyone living in Ontario. Other communities have been asked to integrate higher-density dwellings into the existing urban fabric. Cities such as Oakville and Brampton, however, have struggled with getting things right. And residents who live in proximity to where the intensified development is going to locate have often found themselves in front of the Ontario Municipal Board, pleading their case to not allow their neighbourhoods to be destroyed.
But here in Greater Sudbury, none of that happened. Instead, planning committee was treated to a number of speakers who politely demanded that the City approve this development proposal, in an effort to begin the process of revitalizing our downtown core. And planning committee easily made the decision to give this proposal the nod.
Bryan Wolofsky, the developer, spoke passionately about the need for the City to offer more opportunities for downtown living. He said that the towers on the hill would be a prominent feature of the Sudbury skyline, and that's in party why this location was chosen for high-density development. That and the fact that it is right adjacent to the downtown core, and within walking distance of 11 transit stops, including the City's transit terminal.
The process which this proposal went through to arrive at where it did tonight wasn't a fast one. Area residents had initially expressed some concerns regarding the scale of the development, massing on the site, and concerns about traffic. These concerns were valid. This development proposal really will alter the character of the existing neighbourhood.
The developer demonstrated that over the months since the application was made to the City, that he had been working to address these concerns where possible. The number of units dropped from 1,000 to 800, as a result of removing one apartment block from the plan. Internal roadways were re-routed away from the lot lines of existing low-density lots. And concerns about access were in part addressed by providing opportunities for multiple vehicular and pedestrian access points from different parts of the site (including the provision for a pedestrian elevator or escalator, to assist with moving foot traffic up and down the cliff-face along Brady Street).
Tonight, the City's planning committee made a decision which is going to start changing everything. It was a bold, and progressive decision, made easier by a developer who clearly has the interests of the community in mind, and who engaged in an open process to work with residents, rather than against them.
The City is currently in the process of finalizing the Downtown Master Plan, which will be calling for more residential development in the City's core. Adding 800 small apartment units, fit for singles, young families and seniors, will go a long way to meeting this goal. A safe and vibrant downtown is a downtown which is used throughout the day and evening, where a healthy mix of commercial and residential uses co-exist side-by-side (or better yet, on top of one another!)
Greater Sudbury's downtown is slowly resurrecting itself, and in the process, it is defining itself as the go-to part of the City for central office locations, boutique retail, excellent cuisine, and a vibrant walkable nightlife. With tonight's decision to permit high-density living in the downtown, the core is sure to become the place for Sudbury's creative class to want to live, work and play.
There's something happening here in Greater Sudbury's downtown. And it's just great!
A Conservative Majority Government Election Scenario Worth Pondering
So, Stephen Harper keeps telling Canadians that they have two choices: it’s either give him a Conservative Majority government, or instead they’ll end up with a Coalition of Losers, which include socialists and separatists. In the past, Harper has avoided talking about majority government for his party, for fear that average Canadians might still harbour concerns about his hidden agenda. This election, he’s turned the tables on the Opposition Parties, so now “average Canadians” are in fear that Gilles Duceppe and Jack Layton might become Deputy Prime Ministers in a second-rate Ignatieff-led parliament. Which would be bad for the economy, by the way.
But, what if Canadians don’t give Harper his (false) majority? What if, instead, we end up with a parliament very much like the one we have now? Harper says that the Liberals, NDP and Bloc would defeat a minority Conservative government at the first opportunity, and attempt to seize power by forming a coalition government. While acknowledging that the “rules” would allow the Opposition parties to do so, Harper labels such a government as being “illegitimate”. Others in his party have used the word “coup” to describe a process which is completely within keeping of our Westminister style of parliament.
Back in December of 2008, during the so-called Constitutional Crisis (which wasn’t a constitutional crisis at all), you may remember that Harper and other prominent Conservative MP’s, and conservative media pundits, were talking about the legalities and morality of a Liberal / NDP coalition government, supported by the Bloc Quebecois. To stave off a confidence vote, Harper decided to approach the Governor-General with a request to prorogue parliament. At that time, some of the discussion about the legitimacy of a coalition government of defeated parties began to turn into a discussion about whether the Governor-General had the authority to say No to the Prime Minister’s request to prorogue.
I recall hearing from a number of conservative thinkers that they believed the GG’s powers to say no to a Prime Ministerial request had been restricted over the years since King-Byng. Some believed that the GG must follow the advice of a Prime Minister, and essentially do as the PM pleased. Now, many other prominent thinkers held alternative views: that the GG’s decision was hers to make, and although it was incumbent upon the GG to listen to the PM’s advice, she did not have to follow it.
Yet, follow it she did, by agreeing to prorogue a parliament which was only days old, and in order to stave off of vote of non-confidence. Many at the time thought that the GG’s decision was pretty bizarre, given that there was a formal agreement in place between the Opposition parties which would have led to a more stable government than the current minority situation.
Of course, a question was put to John Baird, regarding what might happen if the GG refused to prorogue parliament. The answer given was that the Conservatives would go over her head. To the Queen? No, to the Canadian people.
Given that the Conservative Party was on record with their opinion that the Governor-General has to follow the advice offered by the Prime Minister when making a decision, and given that there remains hanging over all PM / GG dealings this threat about going over the head of the GG to the “Canadian people” (despite there not being any formal mechanism to do so), and given the 2008 prorogation precedent to avoid a confidence vote, and given that a new Governor-General appointed by Stephen Harper will now have to make decisions, could events in the near future play out like this?
And yes, this is only speculation on my part. But, I think it’s worth considering. What might happen if the Conservatives are returned with a minority government? Michael Ignatieff has gone on record saying that he won’t form a coalition, but is it maybe realistic to think that, with the support of the NDP and the Bloc, as articulated in some form of agreement or accord (in line with the one which NDP Leader Bob Rae entered into with Liberal Premier David Peterson in 1985 to oust the PC’s under Frank Miller), Ignatieff might try to govern? Or perhaps Ignatieff might simply say that a Harper government is still a government with contempt for parliament, and as a result, a vote of non-confidence in the thrown speech is warranted. And given the change in circumstance, Ignatieff might very well say that he will form a coalition government with the NDP, supported by the Bloc.
With an Accord, or an informal agreement, or even if a coalition is back on the table, I believe that there is a very good possibility that the Opposition parties will get together in a bid to oust a Conservative minority government after this election, if one is returned. The fact of the matter would be that a minority government would still be composed of largely the same individuals who showed such contempt for parliament in the past that an argument could be made that Canadians deserve better. And of course, the results of the election will show that more Canadians didn’t vote for Conservatives than those that did. The Opposition would be in a position to indicate clearly to Canadians that they should be allowed to form government, given this result.
But to do so, they first must defeat the Conservatives on a matter of confidence, such as the throne speech. And to be a legitimate bid for power, it really must be the throne speech on which the defeat occurs, as it will be the very first matter of confidence before the House. Back in 2008, the Opposition parties did not try to defeat the new government on the throne speech, and as such, many Canadians were left wondering how it could be that the Opposition had confidence in the government one day, and a few days later, they lost confidence. Maybe it was the move to take away the per-vote subsidy in the budget after all.
This time, the Opposition can’t afford to make that mistake. If they’re in agreement that they will try to form government, they must defeat the Conservatives on the throne speech. And doing so will mean that the Conservatives will have little opportunity to prorogue.
So, the Opposition parties vote against the throne speech, and the Conservatives lose the confidence of the House. Prime Minister Stephen Harper takes a walk to his friend, the new Governor-General, whom Harper and the rest of the Conservative Party believe must follow the advice of the PM. Harper says that he’s lost the confidence of the House, and…
That he would like to go to the Canadian people for a new mandate to govern. That the Governor-General should immediately dissolve parliament and call the 42nd General Election.
Wait a moment, I can hear you say. Wouldn’t the GG turn to the Leader of the Opposition first, to find out whether he believed that a stable government could be formed? Well…I would agree that the GG has the ability to do so, and right now, media pundits who are debating coalitions and how Ignatieff might become PM even without winning the most seats in the house – they’re all saying that the GG could do this. In fact, it’s almost as if the media is assuming that the Governor-General would turn to the Leader of the Opposition to form government if the Conservatives lose a confidence motion. This would provide for a stable government, at least for a while, and avoid another costly election.
But why wouldn’t Stephen Harper and the Conservatives rather fight another election, immediately, after the “illegitimate” coalition once again tried to “seize power” from the victors of the election? With enough money in the bank to go all-out in a second election in three months, and with what is likely to be the weight of public opinion on their side, surely Harper isn’t going to go to the GG and request that the reigns of power be handed over to the Leader of the Coup, Ignatieff, and his deputies, Layton and Duceppe.
The only question I have is whether the GG will play ball with Harper. And I think that he just might, claiming that the will of Canadians needs to be respected, because the victors in the election aren’t being allowed to govern. Remember, the new GG has conservative baggage at the back of his closet. And recall that Conservatives have already advanced the argument that the GG is there to follow the advice of the PM, period, and not to think for himself. And, whether or not the GG believes that he has to follow the advice of the PM, certainly he might choose to do so himself anyway; there’s nothing which would require the GG to turn to the Leader of the Opposition.
This would all mean another election, starting likely in late May or early June. And it would almost certainly lead to the Conservative Majority government that Harper craves. Ignatieff’s credibility about a coalition would be shot, and the Opposition Parties would be vilified by the mainstream media and the electorate for trying to seize power from the winning party (despite having the constitutional ability to do so). Can you just imagine the level of rhetoric in such an election? Harper would tell Canadians that the coalition has needlessly plunged Canada into yet another economy-damaging election. Nevermind reality here folks; it’s the spin that will matter most.
Yes, this could very well be the route that Harper and the Conservatives get their Majority government. With the advantage of destroying the Liberal Party in the process.
You heard it here first.
(Opinions expressed in this blog are my own, and should not be interpreted as being consistent with those of the Green Party of Canada)
But, what if Canadians don’t give Harper his (false) majority? What if, instead, we end up with a parliament very much like the one we have now? Harper says that the Liberals, NDP and Bloc would defeat a minority Conservative government at the first opportunity, and attempt to seize power by forming a coalition government. While acknowledging that the “rules” would allow the Opposition parties to do so, Harper labels such a government as being “illegitimate”. Others in his party have used the word “coup” to describe a process which is completely within keeping of our Westminister style of parliament.
Back in December of 2008, during the so-called Constitutional Crisis (which wasn’t a constitutional crisis at all), you may remember that Harper and other prominent Conservative MP’s, and conservative media pundits, were talking about the legalities and morality of a Liberal / NDP coalition government, supported by the Bloc Quebecois. To stave off a confidence vote, Harper decided to approach the Governor-General with a request to prorogue parliament. At that time, some of the discussion about the legitimacy of a coalition government of defeated parties began to turn into a discussion about whether the Governor-General had the authority to say No to the Prime Minister’s request to prorogue.
I recall hearing from a number of conservative thinkers that they believed the GG’s powers to say no to a Prime Ministerial request had been restricted over the years since King-Byng. Some believed that the GG must follow the advice of a Prime Minister, and essentially do as the PM pleased. Now, many other prominent thinkers held alternative views: that the GG’s decision was hers to make, and although it was incumbent upon the GG to listen to the PM’s advice, she did not have to follow it.
Yet, follow it she did, by agreeing to prorogue a parliament which was only days old, and in order to stave off of vote of non-confidence. Many at the time thought that the GG’s decision was pretty bizarre, given that there was a formal agreement in place between the Opposition parties which would have led to a more stable government than the current minority situation.
Of course, a question was put to John Baird, regarding what might happen if the GG refused to prorogue parliament. The answer given was that the Conservatives would go over her head. To the Queen? No, to the Canadian people.
Given that the Conservative Party was on record with their opinion that the Governor-General has to follow the advice offered by the Prime Minister when making a decision, and given that there remains hanging over all PM / GG dealings this threat about going over the head of the GG to the “Canadian people” (despite there not being any formal mechanism to do so), and given the 2008 prorogation precedent to avoid a confidence vote, and given that a new Governor-General appointed by Stephen Harper will now have to make decisions, could events in the near future play out like this?
And yes, this is only speculation on my part. But, I think it’s worth considering. What might happen if the Conservatives are returned with a minority government? Michael Ignatieff has gone on record saying that he won’t form a coalition, but is it maybe realistic to think that, with the support of the NDP and the Bloc, as articulated in some form of agreement or accord (in line with the one which NDP Leader Bob Rae entered into with Liberal Premier David Peterson in 1985 to oust the PC’s under Frank Miller), Ignatieff might try to govern? Or perhaps Ignatieff might simply say that a Harper government is still a government with contempt for parliament, and as a result, a vote of non-confidence in the thrown speech is warranted. And given the change in circumstance, Ignatieff might very well say that he will form a coalition government with the NDP, supported by the Bloc.
With an Accord, or an informal agreement, or even if a coalition is back on the table, I believe that there is a very good possibility that the Opposition parties will get together in a bid to oust a Conservative minority government after this election, if one is returned. The fact of the matter would be that a minority government would still be composed of largely the same individuals who showed such contempt for parliament in the past that an argument could be made that Canadians deserve better. And of course, the results of the election will show that more Canadians didn’t vote for Conservatives than those that did. The Opposition would be in a position to indicate clearly to Canadians that they should be allowed to form government, given this result.
But to do so, they first must defeat the Conservatives on a matter of confidence, such as the throne speech. And to be a legitimate bid for power, it really must be the throne speech on which the defeat occurs, as it will be the very first matter of confidence before the House. Back in 2008, the Opposition parties did not try to defeat the new government on the throne speech, and as such, many Canadians were left wondering how it could be that the Opposition had confidence in the government one day, and a few days later, they lost confidence. Maybe it was the move to take away the per-vote subsidy in the budget after all.
This time, the Opposition can’t afford to make that mistake. If they’re in agreement that they will try to form government, they must defeat the Conservatives on the throne speech. And doing so will mean that the Conservatives will have little opportunity to prorogue.
So, the Opposition parties vote against the throne speech, and the Conservatives lose the confidence of the House. Prime Minister Stephen Harper takes a walk to his friend, the new Governor-General, whom Harper and the rest of the Conservative Party believe must follow the advice of the PM. Harper says that he’s lost the confidence of the House, and…
That he would like to go to the Canadian people for a new mandate to govern. That the Governor-General should immediately dissolve parliament and call the 42nd General Election.
Wait a moment, I can hear you say. Wouldn’t the GG turn to the Leader of the Opposition first, to find out whether he believed that a stable government could be formed? Well…I would agree that the GG has the ability to do so, and right now, media pundits who are debating coalitions and how Ignatieff might become PM even without winning the most seats in the house – they’re all saying that the GG could do this. In fact, it’s almost as if the media is assuming that the Governor-General would turn to the Leader of the Opposition to form government if the Conservatives lose a confidence motion. This would provide for a stable government, at least for a while, and avoid another costly election.
But why wouldn’t Stephen Harper and the Conservatives rather fight another election, immediately, after the “illegitimate” coalition once again tried to “seize power” from the victors of the election? With enough money in the bank to go all-out in a second election in three months, and with what is likely to be the weight of public opinion on their side, surely Harper isn’t going to go to the GG and request that the reigns of power be handed over to the Leader of the Coup, Ignatieff, and his deputies, Layton and Duceppe.
The only question I have is whether the GG will play ball with Harper. And I think that he just might, claiming that the will of Canadians needs to be respected, because the victors in the election aren’t being allowed to govern. Remember, the new GG has conservative baggage at the back of his closet. And recall that Conservatives have already advanced the argument that the GG is there to follow the advice of the PM, period, and not to think for himself. And, whether or not the GG believes that he has to follow the advice of the PM, certainly he might choose to do so himself anyway; there’s nothing which would require the GG to turn to the Leader of the Opposition.
This would all mean another election, starting likely in late May or early June. And it would almost certainly lead to the Conservative Majority government that Harper craves. Ignatieff’s credibility about a coalition would be shot, and the Opposition Parties would be vilified by the mainstream media and the electorate for trying to seize power from the winning party (despite having the constitutional ability to do so). Can you just imagine the level of rhetoric in such an election? Harper would tell Canadians that the coalition has needlessly plunged Canada into yet another economy-damaging election. Nevermind reality here folks; it’s the spin that will matter most.
Yes, this could very well be the route that Harper and the Conservatives get their Majority government. With the advantage of destroying the Liberal Party in the process.
You heard it here first.
(Opinions expressed in this blog are my own, and should not be interpreted as being consistent with those of the Green Party of Canada)
Monday, April 4, 2011
Canada's 41st General Election: Following the Media Script
What’s been very obvious to me is that the election so far has been following the media script to a tee. What do I mean by “media script”? Well, it was no secret that as the election began, the media was playing up a number of items which, “coincidentally”, seem to have come true over the past 9 days of campaigning.
The mainstream media continues to have a lot of power during election campaigns, as it chooses which segments to broadcast to the public; essentially, the mainstream media defines what “news” really is. Notice, for example, that the media tends to focus an incredible amount of time and effort on the Leaders of the parties only, and much less on local candidates or other members of a Party’s team. This is one way which the media gets Canadians thinking about politics. And with a Leader-only focus on “news”, a television viewer (and voter) will benefit from receiving a fairly narrow view of what a particular political party is all about. Of course, in part to off-set this, the media will trot out pundits, partisans and analysts, and use all sorts of interesting visuals, in an attempt to explain what the Leaders really mean when they say such-and-such.
All of this places the mainstream media in a really unique place. As a “driver” of the election, the mainstream media essentially gets to decide which election issues are important to Canadians, and which aren’t. And by “election issues” I’m not referring to policy issues exclusively. In fact, more often than not, the issues which the media latch on to during an election have nothing to do with policy proposals at all. For example, in 2008, we had Stephane Dion’s inability to communicate in English, pooping puffins, and a return of the 2006 soft-blue Harper sweater-vest.
The media’s pre-occupation with non-policy issues hasn’t yet become that bad so far, in my opinion. But we have seen a debate about the televised debates overshadow policy discussions, along with pundits chirping about whether 5 questions per day from the media answered by Stephen Harper is enough or not. And then there’s the coalition. The media has deemed that these stories resonate more with viewers than do discussions about policies, which tend to last as “news” for only a day or two at most. I mean really, who remembers what the NDP announced as a major policy initiative on last Tuesday? Or what the Liberals first policy announcement was?
But we all know who isn’t coming to the debates in April. Even though hardly any of us know what she might have said had she been invited.
So, how is that script playing out so far?
Enter Michael Ignatieff, Stage Right
The first and foremost scripted storyline applied to Michael Ignatieff. The script called for a better performance on the campaign trail than Canadians would have expected. Given that the media, over the past several years since Ignatieff became the Liberal Leader, have been chirping about how Ignatieff has been underwhelming in his performance as head Liberal, it’s no surprise at all now that all of the media’s attention is focused on him that he seems to be doing better “than expected”. I’m not sure exactly whose expectations Ignatieff has exceeded, but likely it’s just the media’s. Anyway, Ignatieff has pulled through for the media here, and has kept this storyline consistent.
Enter Stephen Harper, Stage Right(er)
The media story for Harper, of course, was that he would come out swinging against the “coalition”, and be a little mean-spirited and nasty along the way, given that the Conservatives have been clamouring for some time now that there is really only two choices for Canadians: a Conservative Majority government, or a coalition of socialists and separatists led by losers. Lo and behold, Harper is following the prepared script quite well, with the added nastiness of refusing to answer more than 5 media questions daily.
He’s also been successful at playing his role as “distanced” by announcing tax cuts for middle-class Canadians – but to have them apply only when the deficit is eliminated. So, tax cuts for corporations are ok to have right now, but all of the goodies being promised for average hard-working Canadians, well, they’re not on the table until we all tighten our belts (except for those corporations getting the tax breaks, presumably). So, on the one hand, Harper is concerned about our fiscal health, and on the other, he’s back-handing the middle-class. And on the gripping hand (shout out to all of you Niven and Pournelle fans!), he’s playing his role as angry, aloof Father-Knows-Best very well indeed.
Enter Jack Layton, rising through a hole in the floor
Now, here’s where things get interesting.
The media script for the NDP was that they’re just not going to live up to past expectations, given Jack Layton’s health, and a coalescing of the electorate, tired with minority governments, around the Liberals and the Conservatives as the only two real viable alternatives. Despite having a good week on the campaign trail, media stories about NDP candidates jumping ship have been played up beyond their merit (especially since there has been time for the NDP to replace candidates). Further, Layton has been hurt by calls being made by the media for one-on-one debates between Harper and Ignatieff.
The NDP is used to being sidelined to some extent during a federal election, but the media script this time out was very clear: the NDP isn’t going to be presented as an alternative to Canadians, and Jack Layton isn’t really a serious contender to become Prime Minister (and notice that Layton isn’t using that line the same way that he was in 2008). With the notion that the NDP’s support has been declining based on the results of by-elections held late in 2010 (and despite polls which continue to show support is only flat-lined, but not really declining), the media had pretty much made their minds up that Layton and the NDP would be a sideshow in the election, at best. So far, that’s exactly how the NDP have been portrayed.
Enter Elizabeth May, lowered from above on wires
As for the Green Party…well, if the NDP was going to be the marginalized party in this election, the pre-election media script had the Green Party become the non-Party, or the not-serious party at best. For the past several years, reduced media coverage of Green Party events and announcements, and of our Leader Elizabeth May, has been coupled with the notion that environmental issues no longer matter to Canadians, who are concerned about the economy. The media, when it has bothered at all to talk about the Green Party, has generally been left wondering just where May and the Greens went.
Despite the fact that May and the Greens have been here all along, trying to get the media’s attention, the media has pre-scripted the Greens to play an un-named role in this general election. Try to think of it this way, as if the election were a Shakespeare play: if Harper and Ignatieff are Romeo and Juliet, then Jack Layton would be Mercutio, and Gilles Duceppe perhaps Friar Laurence. Elizabeth May would be “Guard Number 2”.
The absence of serious media coverage about anything that May and the Green Party has been up to, aside from the debate debacle, has been astounding. Only the CBC seems to at least be acknowledging that the Green Party exists as a national force in this election, and only by including the colour green as one of the 5 stripes in its election logo. When Peter Mansbridge cut away from Elizabeth May’s kick-off speech on the Saturday morning when the election began, and referred to the kick-off as a “kumbaya moment”, the writing was on the wall. The script was to be adhered to all costs.
ON CTV this morning, they were interviewing youth representatives about how better to get youth out to vote. 3 reps were present, one each from the Conservatives, Liberals and NDP. No Green youth was represented, despite the fact that time and again, polls show that youth support of the Green Party hovers around 20%, and is on par with the other parties, and despite the fact that issues which resonate with youth are being championed by Greens in this election (and rarely mentioned by the other parties) such as environmental issues and electoral reform. Perhaps a piece on youth voting might have included a perspective from the Green Party. But that would have been straying from the script.
So the Green Party is to continue to be the non-Party of this election, according to the mainstream media’s script. Canadians aren’t to be told what the Green Party is all about, and will have to do the heavy-lifting of research for themselves. Instead, the media will tell Canadians that the Green Party isn’t a serious Party. They will do so by what they don’t cover: by absenting the Green Party from news stories about policy announcements, by not including Green pundits along with Con/Lib/NDP counterparts, by not including Elizabeth May in the televised debates.
Enter the Canadian Electorate, via the closest Tim Horton’s
Is it just me, or has anyone else been wondering why no “average Canadian” whom has had a mike shoved in front of their face while a TV camera is rolling has told a pundit, “I’m excited about having this election! I can’t wait to exercise my democratic right to vote for an individual of my choice to represent me on Parliament Hill. People in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and other places are literally putting their lives at risk because they want to be able to vote in an election. I’m just thrilled to be able to do my part.”
I suspect that those remarks, or similar ones, have been made to media pundits, but since they don’t fit in with the media script about how Canadians think that an election right now is a waste of time and money (and how many of them won’t bother showing up to the polls to cast their ballots), we’re simply not hearing from these engaged Canadians. The media had already decided that the story about the election would be how no one wanted an election. That the story about voter turn out would be that no one really cares enough to vote, because all politicians are crooks and liars.
Of course, media stories about these sorts of things tend to re-inforce attitudes which might not be prevalent. If everyone on the 6 o’clock news has one opinion about something, and your opinion is somewhat different, chances are you might begin re-evaluating your beliefs. After all, why doesn’t anybody agree with you?
So when everyone on tv says that this is a needless election, and you were maybe a little excited about going out to vote, perhaps your enthusiasm might take a bit of a blow.
Or maybe if you are a supporter of the Green Party, but you never had the chance to see or hear anything about the Green Party on tv, you might begin to wonder if your support makes sense. Maybe the Greens just aren’t serious; if they were serious, why isn’t their Leader in the debates, and why aren’t their policy announcements receiving the same kind of coverage of the other party’s? And just where, oh where, are those Green pundits providing analysis and colour to today’s stories? Surely, it might seem that the Green Party has disappeared from the national conscience.
Of course, there’s “disappeared” and “been disappeared” as they’d say on a particularly good episode of “Law & Order”.
The media can and does influence election outcomes. We all need to have a better understanding of the role played by the media in doing so. But it’s hard, because we want to trust the media as our fount of information. But blind trust without understanding, without questioning, can and will get us into some difficulties. Best to treat the media as a source of information with its own inherent biases. That’s a good starting point for critical analysis, in my opinion.
(Opinions expressed in this blog are my own, and should not be interpreted as being consistent with those of the Green Party of Canada)
The mainstream media continues to have a lot of power during election campaigns, as it chooses which segments to broadcast to the public; essentially, the mainstream media defines what “news” really is. Notice, for example, that the media tends to focus an incredible amount of time and effort on the Leaders of the parties only, and much less on local candidates or other members of a Party’s team. This is one way which the media gets Canadians thinking about politics. And with a Leader-only focus on “news”, a television viewer (and voter) will benefit from receiving a fairly narrow view of what a particular political party is all about. Of course, in part to off-set this, the media will trot out pundits, partisans and analysts, and use all sorts of interesting visuals, in an attempt to explain what the Leaders really mean when they say such-and-such.
All of this places the mainstream media in a really unique place. As a “driver” of the election, the mainstream media essentially gets to decide which election issues are important to Canadians, and which aren’t. And by “election issues” I’m not referring to policy issues exclusively. In fact, more often than not, the issues which the media latch on to during an election have nothing to do with policy proposals at all. For example, in 2008, we had Stephane Dion’s inability to communicate in English, pooping puffins, and a return of the 2006 soft-blue Harper sweater-vest.
The media’s pre-occupation with non-policy issues hasn’t yet become that bad so far, in my opinion. But we have seen a debate about the televised debates overshadow policy discussions, along with pundits chirping about whether 5 questions per day from the media answered by Stephen Harper is enough or not. And then there’s the coalition. The media has deemed that these stories resonate more with viewers than do discussions about policies, which tend to last as “news” for only a day or two at most. I mean really, who remembers what the NDP announced as a major policy initiative on last Tuesday? Or what the Liberals first policy announcement was?
But we all know who isn’t coming to the debates in April. Even though hardly any of us know what she might have said had she been invited.
So, how is that script playing out so far?
Enter Michael Ignatieff, Stage Right
The first and foremost scripted storyline applied to Michael Ignatieff. The script called for a better performance on the campaign trail than Canadians would have expected. Given that the media, over the past several years since Ignatieff became the Liberal Leader, have been chirping about how Ignatieff has been underwhelming in his performance as head Liberal, it’s no surprise at all now that all of the media’s attention is focused on him that he seems to be doing better “than expected”. I’m not sure exactly whose expectations Ignatieff has exceeded, but likely it’s just the media’s. Anyway, Ignatieff has pulled through for the media here, and has kept this storyline consistent.
Enter Stephen Harper, Stage Right(er)
The media story for Harper, of course, was that he would come out swinging against the “coalition”, and be a little mean-spirited and nasty along the way, given that the Conservatives have been clamouring for some time now that there is really only two choices for Canadians: a Conservative Majority government, or a coalition of socialists and separatists led by losers. Lo and behold, Harper is following the prepared script quite well, with the added nastiness of refusing to answer more than 5 media questions daily.
He’s also been successful at playing his role as “distanced” by announcing tax cuts for middle-class Canadians – but to have them apply only when the deficit is eliminated. So, tax cuts for corporations are ok to have right now, but all of the goodies being promised for average hard-working Canadians, well, they’re not on the table until we all tighten our belts (except for those corporations getting the tax breaks, presumably). So, on the one hand, Harper is concerned about our fiscal health, and on the other, he’s back-handing the middle-class. And on the gripping hand (shout out to all of you Niven and Pournelle fans!), he’s playing his role as angry, aloof Father-Knows-Best very well indeed.
Enter Jack Layton, rising through a hole in the floor
Now, here’s where things get interesting.
The media script for the NDP was that they’re just not going to live up to past expectations, given Jack Layton’s health, and a coalescing of the electorate, tired with minority governments, around the Liberals and the Conservatives as the only two real viable alternatives. Despite having a good week on the campaign trail, media stories about NDP candidates jumping ship have been played up beyond their merit (especially since there has been time for the NDP to replace candidates). Further, Layton has been hurt by calls being made by the media for one-on-one debates between Harper and Ignatieff.
The NDP is used to being sidelined to some extent during a federal election, but the media script this time out was very clear: the NDP isn’t going to be presented as an alternative to Canadians, and Jack Layton isn’t really a serious contender to become Prime Minister (and notice that Layton isn’t using that line the same way that he was in 2008). With the notion that the NDP’s support has been declining based on the results of by-elections held late in 2010 (and despite polls which continue to show support is only flat-lined, but not really declining), the media had pretty much made their minds up that Layton and the NDP would be a sideshow in the election, at best. So far, that’s exactly how the NDP have been portrayed.
Enter Elizabeth May, lowered from above on wires
As for the Green Party…well, if the NDP was going to be the marginalized party in this election, the pre-election media script had the Green Party become the non-Party, or the not-serious party at best. For the past several years, reduced media coverage of Green Party events and announcements, and of our Leader Elizabeth May, has been coupled with the notion that environmental issues no longer matter to Canadians, who are concerned about the economy. The media, when it has bothered at all to talk about the Green Party, has generally been left wondering just where May and the Greens went.
Despite the fact that May and the Greens have been here all along, trying to get the media’s attention, the media has pre-scripted the Greens to play an un-named role in this general election. Try to think of it this way, as if the election were a Shakespeare play: if Harper and Ignatieff are Romeo and Juliet, then Jack Layton would be Mercutio, and Gilles Duceppe perhaps Friar Laurence. Elizabeth May would be “Guard Number 2”.
The absence of serious media coverage about anything that May and the Green Party has been up to, aside from the debate debacle, has been astounding. Only the CBC seems to at least be acknowledging that the Green Party exists as a national force in this election, and only by including the colour green as one of the 5 stripes in its election logo. When Peter Mansbridge cut away from Elizabeth May’s kick-off speech on the Saturday morning when the election began, and referred to the kick-off as a “kumbaya moment”, the writing was on the wall. The script was to be adhered to all costs.
ON CTV this morning, they were interviewing youth representatives about how better to get youth out to vote. 3 reps were present, one each from the Conservatives, Liberals and NDP. No Green youth was represented, despite the fact that time and again, polls show that youth support of the Green Party hovers around 20%, and is on par with the other parties, and despite the fact that issues which resonate with youth are being championed by Greens in this election (and rarely mentioned by the other parties) such as environmental issues and electoral reform. Perhaps a piece on youth voting might have included a perspective from the Green Party. But that would have been straying from the script.
So the Green Party is to continue to be the non-Party of this election, according to the mainstream media’s script. Canadians aren’t to be told what the Green Party is all about, and will have to do the heavy-lifting of research for themselves. Instead, the media will tell Canadians that the Green Party isn’t a serious Party. They will do so by what they don’t cover: by absenting the Green Party from news stories about policy announcements, by not including Green pundits along with Con/Lib/NDP counterparts, by not including Elizabeth May in the televised debates.
Enter the Canadian Electorate, via the closest Tim Horton’s
Is it just me, or has anyone else been wondering why no “average Canadian” whom has had a mike shoved in front of their face while a TV camera is rolling has told a pundit, “I’m excited about having this election! I can’t wait to exercise my democratic right to vote for an individual of my choice to represent me on Parliament Hill. People in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and other places are literally putting their lives at risk because they want to be able to vote in an election. I’m just thrilled to be able to do my part.”
I suspect that those remarks, or similar ones, have been made to media pundits, but since they don’t fit in with the media script about how Canadians think that an election right now is a waste of time and money (and how many of them won’t bother showing up to the polls to cast their ballots), we’re simply not hearing from these engaged Canadians. The media had already decided that the story about the election would be how no one wanted an election. That the story about voter turn out would be that no one really cares enough to vote, because all politicians are crooks and liars.
Of course, media stories about these sorts of things tend to re-inforce attitudes which might not be prevalent. If everyone on the 6 o’clock news has one opinion about something, and your opinion is somewhat different, chances are you might begin re-evaluating your beliefs. After all, why doesn’t anybody agree with you?
So when everyone on tv says that this is a needless election, and you were maybe a little excited about going out to vote, perhaps your enthusiasm might take a bit of a blow.
Or maybe if you are a supporter of the Green Party, but you never had the chance to see or hear anything about the Green Party on tv, you might begin to wonder if your support makes sense. Maybe the Greens just aren’t serious; if they were serious, why isn’t their Leader in the debates, and why aren’t their policy announcements receiving the same kind of coverage of the other party’s? And just where, oh where, are those Green pundits providing analysis and colour to today’s stories? Surely, it might seem that the Green Party has disappeared from the national conscience.
Of course, there’s “disappeared” and “been disappeared” as they’d say on a particularly good episode of “Law & Order”.
The media can and does influence election outcomes. We all need to have a better understanding of the role played by the media in doing so. But it’s hard, because we want to trust the media as our fount of information. But blind trust without understanding, without questioning, can and will get us into some difficulties. Best to treat the media as a source of information with its own inherent biases. That’s a good starting point for critical analysis, in my opinion.
(Opinions expressed in this blog are my own, and should not be interpreted as being consistent with those of the Green Party of Canada)
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